                                      75 AD
                                CATO THE YOUNGER
                                   95-46 B.C.
                                  by Plutarch
                           translated by John Dryden

  THE family of Cato derived its first lustre from his
great-grandfather Cato, whose virtue gained him such great
reputation and authority among the Romans, as we have written in his
life.
  This Cato was, by the loss of both his parents, left an orphan,
together with his brother Caepio, and his sister Porcia. He had also a
half-sister, Servilia, by the mother's side. All these lived together,
and were bred up in the house of Livius Drusus, their uncle by the
mother, who, at that time, had a great share in the government,
being a very eloquent speaker, a man of the greatest temperance, and
yielding in dignity to none of the Romans.
  It is said of Cato that even from his infancy, in his speech, his
countenance, and all his childish pastimes, he discovered an
inflexible temper, unmoved by any passion, and firm in everything.
He was resolute in his purposes, much beyond the strength of his
age, to go through with whatever he undertook. He was rough and
ungentle toward those that flattered him, and still more unyielding to
those who threatened him. It was difficult to excite him to
laughter, his countenance seldom relaxed even into a smile; he was not
quickly or easily provoked to anger, but if once incensed, he was no
less difficult to pacify.
  When he began to learn, he proved dull, and slow to apprehend, but
of what he once received, his memory was remarkably tenacious. And
such in fact, we find generally to be the course of nature; men of
fine genius are readily reminded of things, but those who receive with
most pains and difficulty, remember best; every new thing they
learn, being, as it were, burnt and branded in on their minds.
Cato's natural stubbornness and slowness to be persuaded may also have
made it more difficult for him to be taught. For to learn is to submit
to have something done to one; and persuasion comes soonest to those
who have least strength to resist it. Hence young men are sooner
persuaded than those that are more in years, and sick men, than
those that are well in health. In fine, where there is least
previous doubt and difficulty, the new impression is most easily
accepted. Yet Cato, they say, was very obedient to his preceptor,
and would do whatever he was commanded; but he would also ask the
reason, and inquire the cause of everything. And, indeed, his
teacher was a very well-bred man, more ready to instruct than to
beat his scholars. His name was Sarpedon.
  When Cato was a child, the allies of the Romans sued to be made free
citizens of Rome. Pompaedius Silo, one of their deputies, a brave
soldier and a man of great repute, who had contracted a friendship
with Drusus, lodged at his house for several days, in which time being
grown familiar with the children, "Well," said he to them, "will you
entreat your uncle to befriend us in our business?" Caepio, smiling,
assented, but Cato made no answer, only he looked steadfastly and
fiercely on the strangers. Then said Pompaedius, "And you, young
sir, what say you to us? will not you, as well as your brother,
intercede with your uncle in our behalf?" And when Cato continued to
give no answer, by his silence and his countenance seeming to deny
their petition, Pompaedius snatched him up to the window as if he
would throw him out, and told him to consent, or he would fling him
down, and, speaking in a harsher tone, held his body out of the
window, and shook him several times. When Cato had suffered this a
good while, unmoved and unalarmed, Pompaedius, setting him down,
said in an undervoice to his friend, "What a blessing for Italy that
he is but a child! If he were a man, I believe we should not gain
one voice among the people." Another time, one of his relations, on
his birthday, invited Cato and some other children to supper, and some
of the company diverted themselves in a separate part of the house,
and were at play, the elder and the younger together, their sport
being to act the pleadings before the judges, accusing one another,
and carrying away the condemned to prison. Among these a very
beautiful young child, being bound and carried by a bigger into
prison, cried out to Cato, who seeing what was going on, presently ran
to the door, and thrusting away those who stood there as a guard, took
out the child, and went home in anger, followed by some of his
companions.
  Cato at length grew so famous among them, that when Sylla designed
to exhibit the sacred game of young men riding courses on horseback,
which they called Troy, having gotten together the youth of good
birth, he appointed two for their leaders. One of them they accepted
for his mother's sake, being the son of Metella, the wife of Sylla;
but as for the other, Sextus, the nephew of Pompey, they would not
be led by him, nor exercise under him. Then Sylla asking whom they
would have, they all cried out, Cato; and Sextus willingly yielded the
honour to him, as the more worthy.
  Sylla, who was a friend of their family, sent at times for Cato
and his brother to see them and talk with them; a favour which he
showed to very few, after gaining his great power and authority.
Sarpedon, full of the advantage it would be, as well for the honour as
the safety of his scholars, would often bring Cato to wait upon
Sylla at his house, which, for the multitude of those that were
being carried off in custody, and tormented there, looked like a place
of execution. Cato was then in his fourteenth year, and seeing the
heads of men said to be of great distinction brought thither, and
observing the secret sighs of those that were present, he asked his
preceptor, "Why does nobody kill this man?" "Because," said he,
"they fear him, child, more than they hate him." "Why, then,"
replied Cato, "did you not give me a sword, that I might stab him, and
free my country from this slavery?" Sarpedon hearing this, and at
the same time seeing his countenance swelling with anger and
determination, took care thenceforward to watch him strictly, lest
he should hazard any desperate attempt.
  While he was yet very young, to some that asked him whom he loved
best, he answered, his brother. And being asked, whom next, he
replied, his brother, again. So likewise the third time, and still the
same, till they left off to ask any further. As he grew in age, this
love to his brother grew yet the stronger. When he was about twenty
years old, he never supped, never went out of town, nor into the
forum, without Caepio. But when his brother made use of precious
ointments and perfumes, Cato declined them; and he was, in all his
habits, very strict and austere, so that when Caepio was admired for
his moderation and temperance, he would acknowledge that indeed he
might be accounted such, in comparison with some other men, "but,"
said he, "when I compare myself with Cato, I find myself scarcely
different from Sippius," one at that time notorious for his
luxurious and effeminate living.
  Cato being made priest of Apollo, went to another house, took his
portion of their paternal inheritance, amounting to a hundred and
twenty talents, and began to live yet more strictly than before.
Having gained the intimate acquaintance of Antipater the Tyrian, the
Stoic philosopher, he devoted himself to the study, above
everything, of moral and political doctrine. And though possessed,
as it were, by a kind of inspiration for the pursuit of every
virtue, yet what most of all virtue and excellence fixed his affection
was that steady and inflexible justice which is not to be wrought upon
by favour or compassion. He learned also the art of speaking and
debating in public, thinking that political philosophy, like a great
city, should maintain for its security the military and warlike
element. But he would never recite his exercises before company, nor
was he ever heard to declaim. And to one that told him men blamed
his silence, "But I hope not my life." he replied, "I will begin to
speak, when I have that to say which had not better be unsaid."
  The great Porcian Hall, as it was called, had been built and
dedicated to the public use by the old Cato, when aedile. Here the
tribunes of the people used to transact their business, and because
one of the pillars was thought to interfere with the convenience of
their seats, they deliberated whether it were best to remove it to
another place, or to take it away. This occasion first drew Cato, much
against his will, into the forum; for he opposed the demand of the
tribunes, and in so doing gave a specimen both of his courage and
his powers of speaking, which gained him great admiration. His
speech had nothing youthful or refined in it, but was straightforward,
full of matter, and rough, at the same time that there was a certain
grace about his rough statements which won the attention; and the
speaker's character, showing itself in all he said, added to his
severe language something that excited feelings of natural pleasure
and interest. His voice was full and sounding, and sufficient to be
heard by so great a multitude, and its vigour and capacity of
endurance quite indefatigable, for he often would speak a whole day
and never stop.
  When he had carried this cause, he betook himself again to study and
retirement. He employed himself in inuring his body to labour and
violent exercise; and habituated himself to go bareheaded in the
hottest and the coldest weather, and to walk on foot at all seasons.
When he went on a journey with any of his friends, though they were on
horseback and he on foot, yet he would often join now one, then
another, and converse with them on the way. In sickness the patience
he showed in supporting, and the abstinence he used for curing, his
distempers were admirable. When he had an ague, he would remain alone,
and suffer nobody to see him, till he began to recover, and found
the fit was over. At supper, when he threw dice for the choice of
dishes, and lost, and the company offered him nevertheless his choice,
he declined to dispute, as he said, the decision of Venus. At first,
he was wont to drink only once after supper, and then go away; but
in process of time he grew to drink more, insomuch that oftentimes
he would continue till morning. This his friends explained by saying
that state affairs and public business took him up all day, and
being desirous of knowledge, he liked to pass the night at wine in the
conversation of philosophers. Hence, upon one Memmius saying in
public, that Cato spent whole nights in drinking, "You should add,"
replied Cicero, "that he spends whole days in gambling." And in
general Cato esteemed the customs and manners of men at that time so
corrupt, and a reformation in them so necessary, that he thought it
requisite, in many things, to go contrary to the ordinary way of the
world. Seeing the lightest and gayest purple was then most in fashion,
he would always wear that which was the nearest black; and he would
often go out of doors, after his morning meal, without either shoes or
tunic; not that he sought vain-glory from such novelties, but he would
accustom himself to be ashamed only of what deserves shame, and to
despise all other sorts of disgrace.
  The estate of one Cato, his cousin, which was worth one hundred
talents, falling to him, he turned it all into ready money, which he
kept by him for any of friends that should happen to want, to whom
he would lend it without interest. And for some of them, he suffered
his own land and his slaves to be mortgaged to the public treasury.
  When he thought himself of an age fit to marry, having never
before known any woman, he was contracted to Lepida, who had before
been contracted to Metellus Scipio, but on Scipio's own withdrawal
from it, the contract had been dissolved, and she left at liberty. Yet
Scipio afterwards repenting himself, did all he could to regain her,
before the marriage with Cato was completed, and succeeded in so
doing. At which Cato was violently incensed, and resolved at first
to go to law about it; but his friends persuaded him to the
contrary. However, he was so moved by the beat of youth and passion
that he wrote a quantity of iambic verses against Scipio, in the
bitter, sarcastic style of Archilochus, without, however, his
licence and scurrility. After this, he married Atilia, the daughter of
Soranus, the first but not the only woman he ever knew, less happy
thus far than Laelius, the friend of Scipio, who in the whole course
of so long a life never knew but the one woman, to whom he was
united in his first and only marriage.
  In the war of the slaves, which took its name from Spartacus,
their ringleader, Gellius was general, and Cato went a volunteer,
for the sake of his brother Caepio, who was a tribune in the army.
Cato could find here no opportunity to show his zeal or exercise his
valour, on account of the ill conduct of the general. However,
amidst the corruption and disorders of that army, he showed such a
love of discipline, so much bravery upon occasion, and so much courage
and wisdom in everything, that it appeared he was in no way inferior
to the old Cato. Gellius offered him great rewards, and would have
decreed him the first honours; which, however, he refused, saying he
had done nothing that deserved them. This made him be thought a man of
strange and eccentric temper.
  There was a law passed, moreover, that the candidates who stood
for any office should not have prompters in their canvass, to tell
them the names of the citizens; and Cato, when he sued to be elected
tribune, was the only man that obeyed this law. He took great pains to
learn by his own knowledge to salute those he had to speak with, and
to call them by their names; yet even those who praised him for
this, did not do so without some envy and jealousy, for the more
they considered the excellence of what he did, the more they were
grieved at the difficulty they found to do the like.
  Being chosen tribune, he was sent into Macedon to join Rubrius,
who was general there. It is said that his wife showing much
concern, and weeping at his departure, Munatius, one of Cato's
friends, said to her, "Do not trouble yourself, Atilia, I will
engage to watch over him for you." "By all means," replied Cato; and
when they had gone one day's journey together, "Now," said he to
Munatius, after they had supped, "that you may be sure to keep your
promise to Atilia, you must not leave me day nor night," and from that
time, he ordered two beds to be made in his own chamber, that Munatius
might lie there. And so he continued to do, Cato making it his jest to
see that he was always there. There went with him fifteen slaves,
two freedmen, and four of his friends; these rode on horseback, but
Cato always went on foot, yet would he keep by them, and talk with
each of them in turn as they went.
  When he came to the army, which consisted of several legions, the
general gave him the command of one; and as he looked upon it as a
small matter, and not worthy a commander, to give evidence of his
own signal valour, he resolved to make his soldiers, as far as he
could, like himself, not, however, in this relaxing the terrors of his
office, but associating reason with his authority. He persuaded and
instructed every one in particular, and bestowed rewards or
punishments according to desert; and at length his men were so well
disciplined, that it was hard to say whether they were more
peaceable or more warlike, more valiant or more just; they were
alike formidable to their enemies their enemies and courteous to their
allies, fearful to do wrong, and forward to gain honour. And Cato
himself acquired in the fullest measure, what it had been his least
desire to seek, glory and good repute; he was highly esteemed by all
men, and entirely beloved by the soldiers. Whatever he commanded to be
done, he himself took part in the performing; in his apparel, his
diet, and mode of travelling, he was more like a common soldier than
an officer; but in character, high purpose, and wisdom, he far
exceeded all that had the names and titles of commanders, and he
made himself, without knowing it, the object of general affection. For
the true love of virtue is in all men produced by the love and respect
they bear to him that teaches it; and those who praise good men, yet
do not love them, may respect their reputation, but do not really
admire, and will never imitate their virtue.
  There dwelt at that time in Pergamus, Athenodorus, surnamed
Cordylio, a man of high repute for his knowledge of the Stoic
philosophy, who was now grown old, and had always steadily refused the
friendship and acquaintance of princes and great men. Cato
understood this; so that imagining he should not be able to prevail
with him by sending or writing, and being by the laws allowed two
months' absence from the army, he resolved to go into Asia to see
him in person, trusting to his own good qualities not to lose his
labour. And when he had conversed with him, and succeeded in
persuading him out of his former resolutions, he returned and
brought him to the camp as joyful and as proud of this victory as if
he had done some heroic exploit, greater than any of those of Pompey
or Lucullus, who with their armies at that time were subduing so
many nations and kingdoms.
  While Cato was yet in the service, his brother, on a journey towards
Asia, fell sick at Aenus in Thrace, letters with intelligence of which
were immediately despatched to him. The sea was very rough, and no
convenient ship of any size to be had; so Cato getting into a small
trading-vessel, with only two of his friends, and three servants,
set sail from Thessalonica, and having very narrowly escaped drowning,
he arrived at Aenus just as Caepio expired. Upon this occasion, he was
thought to have showed himself more a fond brother than a philosopher,
not only in the excess of his grief, bewailing and embracing the
dead body, but also in the extravagant expenses of the funeral, the
vast quantity of rich perfumes and costly garments which were burnt
with the corpse, and the monument of Thasian marble, which he erected,
at the cost of eight talents, in the public place of the town of
Aenus. For there were some who took upon them to cavil at all this, as
not consistent with his usual calmness and moderation, not
discerning that though he were steadfast, firm, and inflexible to
pleasure, fear or foolish entreaties, yet he was full of natural
tenderness and brotherly affection. Divers of the cities and princes
of the country sent him many presents, to honour the funeral of his
brother; but he took none of their money, only the perfumes and
ornaments he received, and paid for them also. And afterwards, when
the inheritance was divided between him and Caepio's daughter, he
did not require any portion of the funeral expenses to be discharged
out of it. Notwithstanding this, it has been affirmed that he made his
brother's ashes be passed through a sieve, to find the gold that was
melted down when burnt with the body. But he who made this statement
appears to have anticipated an exemption for his pen, as much as for
his sword, from all question and criticism.
  The time of Cato's service in the army being expired, he received,
at his departure, not only the prayers and praises, but the tears
and embraces of the soldiers, who spread their clothes at his feet and
kissed his hand as he passed, an honour which the Romans at that
time scarcely paid even to a very few of their generals and
commanders-in-chief. Having left the army, he resolved, before he
would return home and apply himself to state affairs, to travel in
Asia, and observe the manners, the customs, and the strength of
every province. He was also unwilling to refuse the kindness of
Deiotarus, King of Galatia, who having had great familiarity and
friendship with his father, was very desirous to receive a visit
from him. Cato's arrangements in his journey were as follows. Early in
the morning he sent out his baker and his cook towards the place where
he designed to stay the next night; these went soberly and quietly
into the town, in which, if there happened to be no friend or
acquaintance of Cato or his family, they provided for him in an inn,
and gave no disturbance to anybody; but if there were no inn, then and
in this case only, they went to the magistrates, and desiring them
to help them to lodgings, took without complaint whatever was allotted
to them. His servants thus behaving themselves towards the
magistrates, without noise and threatening, were often discredited, or
neglected by them, so that Cato many times arrived and found nothing
provided for him. And it was all the worse when he appeared himself;
still less account was taken of him. When they saw him sitting,
without saying anything, on his baggage, they set him down at once
as a person of no consequence, who did not venture to make any demand.
Sometimes, on such occasions, he would call them to him and tell them,
"Foolish people, lay aside this inhospitality. All your visitors
will not be Catos. Use your courtesy, to take off the sharp edge of
power. There are men enough who desire but a pretence, to take from
you by force, what you give with such reluctance."
  While he travelled in this manner, a diverting accident befell him
in Syria. As he was going into Antioch, he saw a great multitude of
people outside the gates, ranged in order on either side the way; here
the young men with long cloaks, there the children decently dressed;
others wore garlands and white garments who were the priests and
magistrates. Cato imagining all this could mean nothing but a
display in honour of his reception, began to be angry with his
servants, who had been sent before, for suffering it to be done;
then making his friends alight, he walked along with them on foot.
As soon as he came near the gate, an elderly man, who seemed to be
master of these ceremonies, with a wand and a garland in his hand,
came up to Cato, and without saluting him, asked him where he had left
Demetrius, and how soon he thought he would he there. This Demetrius
was Pompey's servant, and as at this time the whole world, so to
say, had its eyes fixed upon Pompey, this man also was highly
honoured, on account of his influence with his master. Upon this
Cato's friends fell into such violent laughter, that they could not
restrain themselves while they passed through the crowd; and he
himself, ashamed and distressed, uttered the words, "Unfortunate
city!" and said no more. Afterwards however, it always made him laugh,
when he either told the story or was otherwise reminded of it.
  Pompey himself shortly after made the people ashamed of their
ignorance and folly in thus neglecting him, for Cato, coming in his
journey to Ephesus, went to pay his respects to him, who was the elder
man, had gained much honour, and was then general of a great army. Yet
Pompey would not receive him sitting, but as soon as he saw him,
rose up, and going to meet him, as the more honourable person, gave
him his hand, and embraced him with great show of kindness. He said
much in commendation of his virtue both at that time when receiving
him, and also yet more after he had withdrawn. So that now all men
began at once to display their respect for Cato, and discovered in him
the very same things for which they despised him before, an
admirable mildness of temper and greatness of spirit. And indeed the
civility that Pompey himself showed him appeared to come from one that
rather respected than loved him; and the general opinion was, that
while Cato was there he paid him admiration, but was not sorry when he
was gone. For when other young men came to see him he usually urged
and entreated them to continue with him. Now he did not at all
invite Cato to stay, but as if his own power were lessened by the
other's presence, he very willingly allowed him to take his leave. Yet
to Cato alone, of all those who went for Rome, he recommended his
children and his wife, who was indeed connected by relationship with
Cato.
  After this, all the cities through which he passed strove and
emulated each other in showing him respect and honour. Feasts and
entertainments were made for his reception, so that he bade his
friends keep strict watch and take care of him, lest he should end
by making good what was said by Curio, who though he were his familiar
friend, yet disliking the austerity of his temper, asked him one day
if, when he left the army, he designed to see Asia, and Cato
answering, "Yes, by all means." "You do well," replied Curio, "you
will bring back with you a better temper and pleasanter manners;"
pretty nearly the very words he used.
  Deiotarus, being now an old man, had sent for Cato, to recommend his
children and family to his protection; and as soon as he came, brought
him presents of all sorts of things, which he begged and entreated him
to accept. And his importunities displeased Cato so much, that
though he came but in the evening, he stayed only that night, and went
away early the next morning. After he was gone one day's journey, he
found at Pessinus a yet greater quantity of presents provided for
him there, and also letters from Deiotarus entreating him to receive
them, or at least to permit his friends to take them, who for his sake
deserved some gratification, and could not have much done for them out
of Cato's own means. Yet he would not suffer it, though he saw some of
them very willing to receive such gifts, and ready to complain of
his severity; but he answered, that corruption would never want
pretence, and his friends should share with him in whatever he
should justly and honestly obtain, and so returned the presents to
Deiotarus.
  When he took ship for Brundusium, his friends would have persuaded
him to put his brother's ashes into another vessel; but he said he
would sooner part with his life than leave them, and so set sail.
And as it chanced, he, we are told, had a very dangerous passage,
though others at the same time went over safely enough.
  After he was returned to Rome, he spent his time for the most part
either at home, in conversation with Athenodorus, or at the forum,
in the service of his friends. Though it was now the time that he
should become quaestor, he would not stand for the place till he had
studied the laws relating to it, and by inquiry from persons of
experience, had attained a distinct understanding of the duty and
authority belonging to it. With this knowledge, as soon as he came
into the office, he made a great reformation among the clerks and
under-officers of the treasury, people who had long practice and
familiarity in all the public records and the laws, and, when new
magistrates came in year by year so ignorant and unskillful as to be
in absolute need of others to teach them what to do, did not submit
and give way, but kept the power in their own hands, and were in
effect the treasurers themselves. Till Cato, applying himself
roundly to the work, showed that he possessed not only the title and
honour of a quaestor, but the knowledge and understanding and full
authority of his office. So that he used the clerks and under-officers
like servants as they were, exposing their corrupt practices, and
instructing their ignorance. Being bold, impudent fellows, they
flattered the other quaestors his colleagues, and by their means
endeavoured to maintain an opposition against him. But he convicted
the chiefest of them of a breach of trust in the charge of an
inheritance, and turned him out of his place. A second he brought to
trial for dishonesty, who was defended by Lutatius Catulus, at that
time censor, a man very considerable for his office, but yet more
for his character, as he was eminent above all the Romans of that
age for his reputed wisdom integrity. He was also intimate with
Cato, and much commended his way of living. So perceiving he could not
bring off his client, if he stood a fair trial, he openly began to beg
him off. Cato objected to his doing this. And when he continued
still to be importunate, "It would be shameful, Catulus," he said,
"that the censor, the judge of all our lives, should incur the
dishonour of removal by our officers." At this expression, Catulus
looked as if he would have made some answer; but he said nothing and
either through anger or shame went away silent, and out of
countenance. Nevertheless, the man was not found guilty, for the
voices that acquitted him were but one in number less than those
that condemned him, and Marcus Lollius, one of Cato's colleagues,
who was absent by reason of sickness, was sent for by Catulus, and
entreated to come and save the man. So Lollius was brought into
court in a chair, and gave his voice also for acquitting him. Yet Cato
never after made use of that clerk, and never paid him his salary, nor
would he make any account of the vote given by Lollius. Having thus
humbled the clerks, and brought them to be at command, he made use
of the books and registers as he thought fit, and in a little while
gained the treasury a higher name than the senate-house itself; and
all men said, Cato had made the office of a quaestor equal to the
dignity of a consul. When he found many indebted to the state upon old
accounts, and the state also in debt to many private persons, he
took care that the public might no longer either do or suffer wrong;
he strictly and punctually exacted what was due to the treasury, and
as freely and speedily paid all those to whom it was indebted. So that
the people were filled with sentiments of awe and respect, on seeing
those made to pay, who thought to have escaped with their plunder, and
others receiving all their due, who despaired of getting anything. And
whereas usually those who brought false bills and pretended orders
of the senate, could through favour get them accepted, Cato would
never be so imposed upon; and in the case of one particular order,
on the question arising whether it had passed the senate, he would not
believe a great many witnesses that attested it, nor would admit of
it, till the consuls came and affirmed it upon oath.
  There were at that time a great many whom Sylla had made use of as
his agents in the proscription, and to whom he had for their service
in putting men to death, given twelve thousand drachmas apiece.
These men everybody hated as wicked and polluted wretches, but
nobody durst be revenged upon them. Cato called every one to
account, as wrongfully possessed of the public money, and exacted it
of them, and at the same time sharply reproved them for their unlawful
and impious actions. After these proceedings they were presently
accused of murder, and being already in a manner prejudged as
guilty, they were easily found so, and accordingly suffered; at
which the whole people rejoiced and thought themselves now to see
the old tyranny finally abolished, and Sylla himself, so to say,
brought to punishment.
  Cato's assiduity also, and indefatigable diligence, won very much
upon the people. He always came first of any of his colleagues to
the treasury, and away the last. He never missed any assembly of the
people, or sitting of the senate; being always anxious and on the
watch for those who lightly, or as a matter of interest, passed
votes in favour of this or that person, for remitting debts or
granting away customs that were owing to the state. And at length,
having kept the exchequer pure and clear from base informers, and
yet having filled it with treasure, he made it appear that the state
might be rich without oppressing the people. At first he excited
feelings of dislike and irritation in some of his colleagues, but
after a while they were well contented with him, since he was
perfectly willing that they should cast all the odium on him, when
they declined to gratify their friends with the public money, or to
give dishonest judgments in passing their accounts; and when
hard-pressed by suitors, they could readily answer it was impossible
to do anything unless Cato would consent. On the last day of his
office, he was honourably attended to his house by, almost all the
people; but on the way he was informed that several powerful friends
were in the treasury with Marcellus, using all their interest with him
to pass a certain debt to the public revenue, as if it had been a
gift. Marcellus had been one of Cato's friends from his childhood, and
so long as Cato was with him, was one of the best of his colleagues in
this office, but when alone, was unable to resist the importunity of
suitors, and prone to do anybody a kindness. So Cato immediately
turned back, and finding that Marcellus had yielded to pass the thing,
he took the book, and while Marcellus silently stood by and looked on,
struck it out. This done, he brought Marcellus out of the treasury,
and took him home with him; who for all this, neither then, nor ever
after, complained of him, but always continued his friendship and
familiarity with him.
  Cato, after he had laid down his office, yet did not cease to keep a
watch upon the treasury. He had his servants who continually wrote out
the details of the expenditure, and he himself kept always by him
certain books, which contained the accounts of the revenue from
Sylla's time to his own quaestorship, which he had bought for five
talents.
  He was always first at the senate, and went out last; and often,
while the others were slowly collecting, he would sit and read by
himself, holding his gown before his book. He was never once out of
town when the senate was to meet. And when afterwards Pompey and his
party, finding that he could never be either persuaded or compelled to
favour their unjust designs, endeavoured to keep him from the
senate, by engaging him in business for his friends, to plead their
causes, or arbitrate in their differences, or the like, he quickly
discovered the trick, and to defeat it, fairly told all his
acquaintance that he would never meddle in any private business when
the senate was assembled. Since it was not in the hope of gaining
honour or riches, nor out of mere impulse, or by chance that he
engaged himself in politics, but he undertook the service of the state
as the proper business of honest man, and therefore he thought himself
obliged to be as constant to his public duty as the bee to the
honeycomb. To this end, he took care to have his friends and
correspondents everywhere, to send him reports of the edicts, decrees,
judgments, and all the important proceedings that passed in any of the
provinces. Once when Clodius, the seditious orator, to promote his
violent and revolutionary projects, traduced to the people some of the
priests and priestesses (among whom Fabia, sister to Cicero's wife,
Terentia, ran great danger), Cato having boldly interfered, and having
made Clodius appear so infamous that he was forced to leave the
town, was addressed, when it was over, by Cicero, who came to thank
him for what he had done. "You must thank the commonwealth," said
he, for whose sake alone he professed to do everything. Thus he gained
a great and wonderful reputation; so that an advocate in a cause,
where there was only one witness against him, told the judges they
ought not to rely upon a single witness, though it were Cato
himself. And it was a sort of proverb with many people, if any very
unlikely and incredible thing were asserted, to say, they would not
believe it, though Cato himself should affirm it. One day a
debauched and sumptuous liver talking in the senate about frugality
and temperance, Anaeus standing up, cried, "Who can endure this,
sir, to have you feast like Crassus, build like Lucullus, and talk
like Cato." So likewise those who were vicious and dissolute in
their manners, yet affected to be grave and severe in their
language, were in derision called Catos.
  At first, when his friends would have persuaded him to stand to be
tribune of the people, he thought it undesirable; for that the power
of so great an office ought to be reserved, as the strongest
medicines, for occasions of the last necessity. But afterwards in a
vacation time, as he was going, accompanied with his books and
philosophers, to Lucania, where he had lands with a pleasant
residence, they met by the way a great many horses, carriages, and
attendants, of whom they understood, that Metellus Nepos was going
to Rome, to stand to be tribune of the people. Hereupon Cato
stopped, and after a little pause, gave orders to return back
immediately; at which the company seeming to wonder, "Don't you know,"
said he, "how dangerous of itself the madness of Metellus is? and
now that he comes armed with the support of Pompey, he will fall
like lightning on the state, and bring it to utter disorder; therefore
this is no time for idleness and diversion, but we must go and prevent
this man in his designs, or bravely die in defence of our liberty."
Nevertheless, by the persuasion of his friends, he went first to his
country-house, where he stayed but a very little time, and then
returned to town.
  He arrived in the evening, and went straight the next morning to the
forum, where he began to solicit for the tribuneship, in opposition to
Metellus. The power of this office consists rather in controlling than
performing any business; for though all the rest except any one
tribune should be agreed, yet his denial or intercession could put a
stop to the whole matter. Cato, at first, had not many that appeared
for him; but as soon as his design was known, all the good and
distinguished persons of the city quickly came forward to encourage
and support him, looking upon him, not as one that desired a favour of
them, but one that proposed to do a great favour to his country and
all honest men; who had many times refused the same office, when he
might have had it without trouble, but now sought it with danger, that
he might defend their liberty and their government. It is reported
that so great a number flocked about him that he was like to be
stifled amidst the press, and could scarce get through the crowd. He
was declared tribune, with several others, among whom was Metellus.
  When Cato was chosen into this office, observing that the election
of consuls was become a matter of purchase, he sharply rebuked the
people for this corruption, and in the conclusion of his speech
protested he would bring to trial whomever he should find giving
money, making an exception only in the case of Silanus, on account
of their near connection, he having married Servilia, Cato's sister.
He therefore did not prosecute him, but accused Lucius Murena, who had
been chosen consul by corrupt means with Silanus. There was a law that
the party accused might appoint a person to keep watch upon his
accuser, that he might know fairly what means he took in preparing the
accusation. He that was set upon Cato by Murena, at first followed and
observed him strictly, yet never found him dealing any way unfairly or
insidiously, but always generously and candidly going on in the just
and open methods of proceeding. And he so admired Cato's great spirit,
and so entirely trusted to his integrity, that meeting him in the
forum, or going to his house, he would ask him if he designed to do
anything that day in order to the accusation, and if Cato said no,
he went away, relying on his word. When the cause was pleaded
Cicero, who was then consul and defended Murena, took occasion to be
extremely witty and jocose, in reference to Cato, upon the Stoic
philosophers, and their paradoxes, as they call them, and so excited
great laughter among the judges; upon which Cato, smiling, said to the
standers-by, "What a pleasant consul we have, my friends." Murena
was acquitted, and afterwards showed himself a man of no ill-feeling
or want of sense; for when he was consul, he always took Cato's advice
in the most weighty affairs and, during all the time of his office,
paid him much honour and respect. Of which not only Murena's prudence,
but also Cato's own behaviour, was the cause; for though he were
terrible and severe as to matters of justice, in the senate, and at
the bar, yet after the thing was over his manner to all men was
perfectly friendly and humane.
  Before he entered on the office of tribune, he assisted Cicero, at
that time consul, in many contests that concerned his office, but most
especially in his great and noble acts at the time of Catiline's
conspiracy; which owed their last successful issue to Cato. Catiline
had plotted a dreadful and entire subversion of the Roman state by
sedition and open war, but being convicted by Cicero, was forced to
fly the city. Yet Lentulus and Cethegus remained, with several others,
to carry on the same plot; and blaming Catiline, as one that wanted
courage, and had been timid and petty in his designs, they
themselves resolved to set the whole town on fire, and utterly to
overthrow the empire, rousing whole nations to revolt and exciting
foreign wars. But the design was discovered by Cicero (as we have
written in his life), and the matter brought before the senate.
Silanus, who spoke first, delivered his opinion, that the conspirators
ought to suffer the last of punishments, and was therein followed by
all who spoke after him; till it came to Caesar, who being an
excellent speaker, and looking upon all changes and commotions in
the state as materials useful for his own purposes, desired rather
to increase than extinguish them; and standing up, he made a very
merciful and persuasive speech, that they ought not to suffer death
without fair trial according to law, and moved that they might be kept
in prison. Thus was the house almost wholly turned by Caesar,
apprehending also the anger of the people; insomuch that even
Silanus retracted, and said he did not mean to propose death, but
imprisonment, for that was the utmost a Roman could suffer.
  Upon this they were all inclined to the milder and more merciful
opinion, when Cato, standing up, began at once with great passion
and vehemence to reproach Silanus for his change of opinion, and to
attack Caesar, who would, he said, ruin the commonwealth by soft words
and popular speeches, and was endeavouring to frighten the senate,
when he himself ought to fear, and be thankful, if he escaped
unpunished or unsuspected, who thus openly and boldly dared to protect
the enemies of the state, and while finding no compassion for his
own native country, brought, with all its glories, so near to utter
ruin, could yet be full of pity for those men who had better never
have been born, and whose death must deliver the commonwealth from
bloodshed and destruction. This only of all Cato's speeches, it is
said, was preserved; for Cicero, the consul, had disposed in various
parts of the senate-house, several of the most expert and rapid
writers, whom he had taught to make figures comprising numerous
words in a few short strokes; as up to that time they had not used
those we call shorthand writers, who then, as it is said,
established the first example of the art. Thus Cato carried it, and so
turned the house again, that it was decreed the conspirators should be
put to death.
  Not to omit any small matters that may serve to show Cato's
temper, and add something to the portraiture of his mind, it is
reported, that while Caesar and he were in the very heat, and the
whole senate regarding them two, a little note was brought in to
Caesar which Cato declared to be suspicious, and urging that some
seditious act was going on, bade the letter be read. Upon which Caesar
handed the paper to Cato; who, discovering it to be a love-letter from
his sister Servilia to Caesar, by whom she had been corrupted, threw
it to him again, saying, "Take it, drunkard," and so went on with
his discourse. And, indeed, it seems Cato had but ill-fortune in
women; for this lady was ill-spoken of for her familiarity with
Caesar, and the other Servilia, Cato's sister also, was yet more
ill-conducted; for being married to Lucullus, one of the greatest
men in Rome, and having brought him a son, she was afterwards divorced
for incontinency. But what was worst of all, Cato's own wife Atilia
was not free from the same fault; and after she had borne him two
children, he was forced to put her away for her misconduct. After
that, he married Marcia, the daughter of Philippus, a woman of good
reputation, who yet has occasioned much discourse; and the life of
Cato, like a dramatic piece, has this one scene or passage full of
perplexity and doubtful meaning.
  It is thus related by Thrasea, who refers to the authority of
Munatius, Cato's friend and constant companion. Among many that
loved and admired Cato, some were more remarkable and conspicuous than
others. Of these was Quintus Hortensius, a man of high repute and
approved virtue, who desired not only to live in friendship and
familiarity with Cato, but also to unite his whole house and family
with him by some sort or other of alliance in marriage. Therefore he
set himself to persuade Cato that his daughter Porcia, who was already
married to, Bibulus, and had borne him two children, might
nevertheless be given to him, as a fair plot of land, to bear fruit
also for him. "For," said he, "though this in the opinion of men may
seem strange, yet in nature it is honest, and profitable for the
public that a woman in the prime of her youth should not lie
useless, and lose the fruit of her womb, nor, on the other side,
should burden and impoverish one man, by bringing him too many
children. Also by this communication of families among worthy men,
virtue would increase, and be diffused through their posterity; and
the commonwealth would be united and cemented by their alliances." Yet
if Bibulus would not part with his wife altogether, he would restore
her as soon as she had brought him a child, whereby he might be united
to both their families. Cato answered, that he loved Hortensius very
well, and much approved of uniting their houses, but he thought it
strange to speak of marrying his daughter, when she was already
given to another. Then Hortensius, turning the discourse, did not
hesitate to speak openly and ask for Cato's own wife, for she was
young and fruitful, and he had already children enough. Neither can it
be thought that Hortensius did this, as imagining Cato did not care
for Marcia; for, it is said, she was then with child. Cato, perceiving
his earnest desire, did not deny his request, but said that Philippus,
the father of Marcia, ought also to be consulted. Philippus,
therefore, being sent for, came; and finding they were well agreed,
gave his daughter Marcia to Hortensius in the presence of Cato, who
himself also assisted at the marriage. This was done at a later
time, but since I was speaking of women, I thought it well to
mention it now.
  Lentulus and the rest of the conspirators were put to death; but
Caesar, finding so much insinuated and charged against him in the
senate, betook himself to the people, and proceeded to stir up the
most corrupt and dissolute elements of the state to form a party in
his support. Cato, apprehensive of what might ensue, persuaded the
senate to win over the poor and unprovided-for multitude by a
distribution of corn, the annual charge of which amounted to twelve
hundred and fifty talents. This act of humanity and kindness
unquestionably dissipated the present danger. But Metellus, coming
into his office of tribune, began to hold tumultuous assemblies, and
had prepared a decree, that Pompey the Great should presently be
called into Italy, with all his forces, to preserve the city from
the danger of Catiline's conspiracy. This was the fair pretence; but
the true design was to deliver all into the hands of Pompey, and to
give him an absolute power. Upon this the senate was assembled, and
Cato did not fall sharply upon Metellus, as he often did, but urged
his advice in the most reasonable and moderate tone. At last he
descended even to entreaty, and extolled the house of Metellus as
having always taken part with the nobility. At this Metellus grew
the more insolent, and despising Cato, as if he yielded and were
afraid, let himself proceed to the most audacious menaces, openly
threatening to do whatever he pleased in spite of the senate. Upon
this Cato changed his countenance, his voice, and his language; and
after many sharp expressions, boldly concluded that, while he lived,
Pompey should never come armed into the city. The senate thought
them both extravagant, and not well in their safe senses; for the
design of Metellus seemed to be mere rage and frenzy, out of excess of
mischief bringing all things to ruin and confusion, and Cato's
virtue looked like a kind of ecstasy of contention in the cause of
what was good and just.
  But when the day came for the people to give their voices for the
passing this decree, and Metellus beforehand occupied the forum with
armed men, strangers, gladiators, and slaves, those that in hopes of
change followed Pompey were known to be no small part of the people,
and besides, they had great assistance from Caesar, who was then
praetor; and though the best and chiefest men of the city were no less
offended at these proceedings than Cato, they seemed rather likely
to suffer with him than able to assist him. In the meantime Cato's
whole family were in extreme fear and apprehension for him; some of
his friends neither ate nor slept all the night, passing the whole
time in debating and perplexity; his wife and sisters also bewailed
and lamented him. But he himself, void of all fear, and full of
assurance, comforted and encouraged them by his own words and
conversation with them. After supper he went to rest at his usual
hour, and was the next day waked out of a profound sleep by Minucius
Thermus, one of his colleagues. So soon as he was up, they two went
together into the forum, accompanied by very few, but met by a great
many, who bade them have a care of themselves. Cato, therefore, when
he saw the temple of Castor and Pollux encompassed with armed men, and
the steps guarded by gladiators, and at the top Metellus and Caesar
seated together, turning to his friends, "Behold," said he, "this
audacious coward, who has levied a regiment of soldiers against one
unarmed naked man; and so he went on with Thermus. Those who kept
the passages gave way to these two only, and would not let anybody
else pass. Yet Cato taking Munatius by the hand, with much
difficulty pulled him through along with him. Then going directly to
Metellus and Caesar, he sat himself down between them, to prevent
their talking to one another, at which they were both amazed and
confounded. And those of the honest party, observing the
countenance, and admiring the high spirit and boldness of Cato, went
nearer, and cried out to him to have courage, exhorting also one
another to stand together, and not betray their liberty nor the
defender of it.
  Then the clerk took out the bill, but Cato forbade him to read it,
whereupon Metellus took it, and would have read it himself, but Cato
snatched the book away. Yet Metellus, having the decree by heart,
began to recite it without book; but Thermus put his hand to his
mouth, and stopped his speech. Metellus seeing them fully bent to
withstand him, and the people cowed, and inclining to the better side,
sent to his house for armed men. And on their rushing in with great
noise and terror, all the rest dispersed and ran away, except Cato,
who alone stood still, while the other party threw sticks and stones
at him from above, until Murena, whom he had formerly accused, came up
to protect him, and holding his gown before him, cried out to them
to leave off throwing; and, in fine, persuading and pulling him along,
he forced him into the temple of Castor and Pollux. Metellus, now
seeing the place clear, and all the adverse party fled out of the
forum, thought he might easily carry his point; so he commanded the
soldiers to retire, and recommencing in an orderly manner, began to
proceed to passing the decree. But the other side having recovered
themselves, returned very boldly, and with loud shouting, insomuch
that Metellus's adherents were seized with a panic, supposing them
to be coming with a reinforcement of armed men, fled every one out
of the place. They being thus dispersed, Cato came in again, and
confirmed the courage, and commended the resolution of the people;
so that now the majority were, by all means, for deposing Metellus
from his office. The senate also being assembled, gave orders once
more for supporting Cato, and resisting the motion, as of a nature
to excite sedition and perhaps civil war in the city.
  But Metellus continued still very bold and resolute; and seeing
his party stood greatly in fear of Cato, whom they looked upon as
invincible, he hurried out of the senate into the forum, and assembled
the people, to whom he made a bitter and invidious speech against
Cato, crying out, he was forced to fly from his tyranny, and this
conspiracy against Pompey; that the city would soon repent their
having dishonoured so great a man. And from hence he started to go
to Asia, with the intention, as would he supposed, of laying before
Pompey all the injuries that were done him. Cato was highly extolled
for having delivered the state from this dangerous tribuneship, and
having in some measure defeated, in the person of Metellus, the
power of Pompey; but he was yet more commended when, upon the senate
proceeding to disgrace Metellus and depose him from his office, he
altogether opposed and at length diverted the design. The common
people admired his moderation and humanity, in not trampling
wantonly on an enemy whom he had overthrown, and wiser men
acknowledged his prudence and policy in not exasperating Pompey.
  Lucullus soon after returned from the war in Asia, the finishing
of which, and thereby the glory of the whole, was thus, in all
appearance, taken out of his hands by Pompey. And he was also not
far from losing his triumph, for Caius Memmius traduced him to the
people, and threatened to accuse him; rather, however, out of love
to Pompey, than for any particular enmity to him. But Cato, being
allied to Lucullus, who had married his sister Servilia, and also
thinking it a great injustice, opposed Memmius, thereby exposing
himself to much slander and misrepresentation, insomuch that they
would have turned him out of his office, pretending that he used his
power tyrannically. Yet at length Cato so far prevailed against
Memmius that he was forced to let fall the accusations, and abandon
the contest. And Lucullus having thus obtained his triumph, yet more
sedulously cultivated Cato's friendship, which he looked upon as a
great guard and defence for him against Pompey's power.
  And now Pompey also returning with glory from the war, and confiding
in the good-will of the people, shown in their splendid reception of
him, thought he should be denied nothing, and sent therefore to the
senate to put off the assembly for the election of consuls, till he
could be present to assist Piso, who stood for that office. To this
most of the senators were disposed to yield; Cato only not so much
thinking that this delay would be of great importance, but, desiring
to cut down at once Pompey's high expectations and designs,
withstood his request, and so overruled the senate that it was carried
against him. And this not a little disturbed Pompey, who found he
should very often fail in his projects unless he could bring over Cato
to his interest. He sent, therefore, for Munatius, his friend; and
Cato having two nieces that were marriageable, he offered to marry the
eldest himself, and take the youngest for his son. Some say they
were not his nieces, but his daughters. Munatius proposed the matter
to Cato, in presence of his wife and sisters; the women were full of
joy at the prospect of an alliance with so great and important a
person. But Cato, without delay or balancing, forming his decision
at once, answered, "Go, Munatius, go and tell Pompey that Cato is
not assailable on the side of the women's chamber; I am grateful
indeed for the intended kindness, and so long as his actions are
upright, I promise him a friendship more sure than any marriage
alliance, but I will not give hostages to Pompey's glory against my
country's safety." This answer was very much against the wishes of the
women, and to all his friends it seemed somewhat harsh and haughty.
But afterwards, when Pompey, endeavouring to get the consulship for
one of his friends, gave pay to the people for their votes, and the
bribery was notorious, the money being counted out in Pompey's own
gardens, Cato then said to the women, they must necessarily have
been concerned in the contamination of these misdeeds of Pompey, if
they had been allied to his family; and they acknowledged that he
did best in refusing it. Yet if we may judge by the event, Cato was
much to blame in rejecting that alliance, which thereby fell to
Caesar. And then that match was made, which, uniting his and
Pompey's power, had well-nigh ruined the Roman empire, and did destroy
the commonwealth. Nothing of which, perhaps, had come to pass, but
that Cato was too apprehensive of Pompey's least faults, and did not
consider how he forced him into conferring on another man the
opportunity of committing the greatest.
  These things, however, were yet to come. Lucullus and Pompey,
meantime, had a great dispute concerning their orders and arrangements
in Pontus, each endeavouring that his own ordinances might stand. Cato
took part with Lucullus, who was manifestly suffering wrong; and
Pompey, finding himself the weaker in the senate, had recourse to
the people, and to gain votes he proposed a law for dividing the lands
among the soldiers. Cato opposing him in this also made the bill he
rejected. Upon this he joined himself with Clodius, at that time the
most violent of all the demagogues, and entered also into friendship
with Caesar, upon an occasion of which also Cato was the cause. For
Caesar, returning from his government in Spain, at the same time
sued to be chosen consul, and yet desired not to lose his triumph. Now
the law requiring that those who stood for any office should be
present, and yet that whoever expected a triumph should continue
without the walls, Caesar requested the senate that his friends
might be permitted to canvass for him in his absence. Many of the
senators were willing to consent to it, but Cato opposed it, and
perceiving them inclined to favour Caesar, spent the whole day in
speaking, and so prevented the senate from coming to any conclusion.
Caesar, therefore, resolving to let fall his pretensions to the
triumph, came into the town, and immediately made a friendship with
Pompey, and stood for the consulship. As soon as he was declared
consul elect, he married his daughter Julia to Pompey. And having thus
combined themselves together against the commonwealth, the one
proposed laws for dividing the lands among the poor people, and the
other was present to support the proposals. Lucullus, Cicero, and
their friends, joined with Bibulus, the other consul, to hinder
their passing, and, foremost of them all, Cato, who already looked
upon the friendship and alliance of Pompey and Caesar as very
dangerous, declared he did not so much dislike the advantage the
people should get by this division of the lands, as he feared the
reward these men would gain, by thus courting and cozening the people.
And in this he gained over the senate to his opinion, as likewise many
who were not senators, who were offended at Caesar's ill-conduct, that
he, in the office of consul, should thus basely and dishonourably
flatter the people; practising, to win their favour, the same means
that were wont to be used only by the most rash and rebellious
tribunes. Caesar, therefore, and his party, fearing they should not
carry it by fair dealing, fell to open force. First a basket of dung
was thrown upon Bibulus as he was going to the forum; then they set
upon his lictors and broke their rods; at length several darts were
thrown, and many men wounded; so that all that were against those laws
fled out of the forum, the rest with what haste they could, and
Cato, last of all, walking out slowly, often turning back and
calling down vengeance upon them.
  Thus the other party not only carried their point of dividing the
lands, but also ordained that all the senate should swear to confirm
this law, and to defend it against whoever should attempt to alter it,
inflicting great penalties on those that should refuse the oath. All
these senators, seeing the necessity they were in, took the oath,
remembering the example of Metellus in old time, who, refusing to
swear upon the like occasion, was forced to leave Italy. As for
Cato, his wife and children with tears besought him, his friends and
familiars persuaded and entreated him, to yield and take the oath; but
he that principally prevailed with him was Cicero, the orator, who
urged upon him that it was perhaps not even right in itself, that a
private man should oppose what the public had decreed; that the
thing being already past altering, it were folly and madness to
throw himself into danger without the chance of doing his country
any good; it would be the greatest of all evils to embrace, as it
were, the opportunity to abandon the commonwealth, for whose sake he
did everything, and to let it fall into the hands of those who
designed nothing but its ruin, as if he were glad to be saved from the
trouble of defending it. "For," said he, "though Cato have no need
of Rome, yet Rome has need of Cato, and so likewise have all his
friends." Of whom Cicero professed he himself was the chief, being
at that time aimed at by Clodius, who openly threatened to fall upon
him, as soon as ever he should get to be tribune. Thus Cato, they say,
moved by the entreaties and the arguments of his friends, went
unwillingly to take the oath, which he did the last of all, except
only Favonius, one of his intimate acquaintance.
  Caesar, exalted with this success, proposed another law, for
dividing almost all the country of Campania among the poor and needy
citizens. Nobody durst speak against it but Cato, whom Caesar
therefore pulled from the rostra and dragged to prison: yet Cato did
not even thus remit his freedom of speech, but as he went along
continued to speak against the law, and advised the people to put down
all legislators who proposed the like. The senate and the best of
the citizens followed him with sad and dejected looks, showing their
grief and indignation by their silence, so that Caesar could not be
ignorant how much they were offended; but for contention's sake he
still persisted, expecting Cato should either supplicate him, or
make an appeal. But when he saw that he did not so much as think of
doing either, ashamed of what he was doing and of what people
thought of it, he himself privately bade one of the tribunes interpose
and procure his release. However, having won the multitude by these
laws and gratifications, they decreed that Caesar should have the
government of Illyricum, and all Gaul, with an army of four legions,
for the space of five years, though Cato still cried out they were, by
their own vote, placing a tyrant in their citadel. Publius Clodius,
a patrician, who illegally became a plebeian, was declared tribune
of the people, as he had promised to do all things according to
their pleasure, on condition he might banish Cicero. And for
consuls, they set up Calpurnius Piso, the father of Caesar's wife, and
Aulus Gabinius, one of Pompey's creatures, as they tell us, who best
knew his life and manners.
  Yet when they had thus firmly established all things, having
mastered one part of the city by favour, and the other by fear, they
themselves were still afraid of Cato, and remembered with vexation
what pains and trouble their success over him had cost them, and
indeed what shame and disgrace, when at last they were driven to use
violence to him. This made Clodius despair of driving Cicero out of
Italy while Cato stayed at home. Therefore having first laid his
design, as soon as he came into his office, he sent for Cato, and told
him that he looked upon him as the most incorrupt of all the Romans,
and was ready to show he did so. "For whereas," said he, "many have
applied to be sent to Cyprus on the commission in the case of
Ptolemy and have solicited to have the appointment, I think you
alone are deserving of it, and I desire to give you the favour of
the appointment." Cato at once cried out it was a mere design upon
him, and no favour, but an injury. Then Clodius proudly and fiercely
answered, "If you will not take it as a kindness, you shall go, though
never so unwillingly;" and immediately going into the assembly of
the people he made them pass a decree, that Cato should be sent to
Cyprus. But they ordered him neither ship, nor soldier, nor any
attendant, except two secretaries, one of whom was a thief and a
rascal, and the other a retainer to Clodius. Besides, as if Cyprus and
Ptolemy were not work sufficient, he was ordered also to restore the
refugees of Byzantium. For Clodius was resolved to keep him far enough
off whilst himself continued tribune.
  Cato, being in this necessity of going away, advised Cicero, who was
next to be set upon, to make no resistance, lest he should throw the
state into civil war and confusion, but to give way to the times,
and thus become once more the preserver of his country. He himself
sent forward Canidius, one of his friends, to Cyprus, to persuade
Ptolemy to yield, without being forced; which if he did, he should
want neither riches nor honour, for the Romans would give him the
priesthood of the goddess at Paphos. He himself stayed at Rhodes,
making some preparations, and expecting an answer from Cyprus. In
the meantime, Ptolemy, King of Egypt, who had left Alexandria, upon
some quarrel between him and his subjects, and was sailing for Rome,
in hopes that Pompey and Caesar would send troops to restore him, in
his way thither desired to see Cato, to whom he sent, supposing he
would come to him. Cato had taken purging medicine at the time when
the messenger came, and made answer, that Ptolemy had better come to
him, if he thought fit. And when he came, he neither went forward to
meet him, nor so much as rose up to him, but saluting him as an
ordinary person, bade him sit down. This at once threw Ptolemy into
some confusion, who was surprised to see such stern and haughty
manners in one who made so plain and unpretending an appearance; but
afterwards, when he began to talk about his affairs, he was no less
astonished at the wisdom and freedom of his discourse. For Cato blamed
his conduct, and pointed out to him what honour and happiness he was
abandoning, and what humiliations and troubles he would run himself
into; what bribery he must resort to, and what cupidity he would
have to satisfy when he came to the leading men at Rome, whom all
Egypt turned into silver would scarcely content. He therefore
advised him to return home, and be reconciled to his subjects,
offering to go along with him, and assist him in composing the
differences. And by this language Ptolemy being brought to himself, as
it might be out of a fit of madness or delirium, and discerning the
truth and wisdom of what Cato said, resolved to follow his advice; but
he was again over-persuaded by his friends to the contrary, and so,
according to his first design, went to Rome. When he came there, and
was forced to wait at the gate of one of the magistrates, he began
to lament his folly in having rejected, rather, as it seemed to him,
the oracle of a god than the advice merely of a good and wise.
  In the meantime, the other Ptolemy, in Cyprus, very luckily for
Cato, poisoned himself. It was reported he had left great riches;
therefore, Cato designing to go first to Byzantium, sent his nephew
Brutus to Cyprus, as he would not wholly trust Canidius. Then,
having reconciled the refugees and the people of Byzantium, he left
the city in peace and quietness; and so sailed to Cyprus, where he
found a royal treasure of plate, tables, precious stones and purple,
all which was to be turned into ready money. And being determined to
do everything with the greatest exactness, and to raise the price of
everything to the utmost, to this end he was always present at selling
the things, and went carefully into all the accounts. Nor would he
trust to the usual customs of the market, but looked doubtfully upon
all alike, the officers, criers, purchasers, and even his own friends;
and so in fine he himself talked with the buyers, and urged them to
bid high, and conducted in this manner the greatest part of the sales.
  This mistrustfulness offended most of his friends, and in
particular, Munatius, the most intimate of them all, became almost
irreconcilable. And this afforded Caesar the subject of his severest
censures in the book he wrote against Cato. Yet Munatius himself
relates, that the quarrel was not so much occasioned by Cato's
mistrust, as by his neglect of him, and by his own jealousy of
Canidius. For Munatius also wrote a book concerning Cato, which is the
chief authority followed by Thrasea. Munatius says, that coming to
Cyprus after the other, and having a very poor lodging provided for
him, he went to Cato's house, but was not admitted, because he was
engaged in private with Canidius; of which he afterwards complained in
very gentle terms to Cato, but received a very harsh answer, that
too much love, according to Theophrastus, often causes hatred; "and
you," he said, "because you bear me much love, think you receive too
little honour, and presently grow angry. I employ Canidius on
account of his industry and his fidelity; he has been with me from the
first, and I have found him to be trusted." These things were said
in private between them two; but Cato afterwards told Canidius what
had passed, on being informed of which, Munatius would no more go to
sup with him, and when he was invited to give his counsel, refused
to come. Then Cato threatened to seize his goods, as was the custom in
the case of those who were disobedient; but Munatius not regarding his
threats, returned to Rome, and continued a long time thus
discontented. But afterwards, when Cato was come back also, Marcia,
who as yet lived with him, contrived to have them both invited to
sup together at the house of one Barca; Cato came in last of all, when
the rest were laid down, and asked, where he should be. Barca answered
him, where he pleased; then looking about, he said he would be near
Munatius, and went and placed himself next to him; yet he showed him
no other mark of kindness all the time they were at table together.
But another time, at the entreaty of Marcia, Cato wrote to Munatius
that he desired to speak with him. Munatius went to his house in the
morning and was kept by Marcia till all the company was gone; then
Cato came, threw both his arms about him, and embraced him very kindly
they were reconciled. I have the more fully related this passage,
for that I think the manners and tempers of men are more clearly
discovered by things of this nature, than by great and conspicuous
actions.
  Cato got together little less than seven thousand talents of silver;
but apprehensive of what might happen in so long a voyage by sea, he
provided a great many coffers that held two talents and five hundred
drachmas apiece; to each of these he fastened a long rope, and to
the other end of the rope a piece of cork, so that if the ship
should miscarry, it might be discovered whereabout the chests lay
under water. Thus all the money, except a very little, was safely
transported. But he had made two books, in which all the accounts of
his commission were carefully written out, and neither of these was
preserved. For his freedman Philargyrus, who had the charge of one
of them, setting sail from Cenchreae, was lost, together with the ship
and all her freight. And the other Cato himself kept safe till he came
to Corcyra, but there he set up his tent in the market-place, and
the sailors, being very cold in the night, made a great many fires,
some of which caught the tents, so that they were burnt, and the
book lost. And though he had brought with him several of Ptolemy's
stewards, who could testify to his integrity, and stop the mouths of
enemies and false accusers, yet the loss annoyed him, and he was vexed
with himself about the matter, as he had designed them not so much for
a proof of his own fidelity, as for a pattern of exactness to others.
  The news did not fail to reach Rome that he was coming up the river.
All the magistrates, the priests, and the whole senate, with great
part of the people, went out to meet him; both the banks of the
Tiber were covered with people; so that his entrance was in
solemnity and honour not inferior to a triumph. But it was thought
somewhat strange, and looked like willfulness and pride, that when the
consuls and praetors appeared, he did not disembark nor stay to salute
them, but rowed up the stream in a royal galley of six banks of
oars, and stopped not till he brought his vessels to the dock.
However, when the money was carried through the streets, the people
much wondered at the vast quantity of it, and the senate being
assembled, decreed him in honourable terms an extraordinary
praetorship, and also the privilege of appearing at the public
spectacles in a robe faced with purple. Cato declined all these
honours, but declaring what diligence and fidelity he had found in
Nicias, the steward of Ptolemy, he requested the senate to give him
his freedom.
  Philippus, the father of Marcia, was that year consul, and the
authority and power of the office rested in a manner in Cato; for
the other consul paid him no less regard for his virtue's sake than
Philippus did on account of the connection between them. And Cicero,
now being returned from his banishment, into which he was driven by
Clodius, and having again obtained great credit among the people,
went, in the absence of Clodius, and by force took away the records of
his tribuneship, which had been laid up in the capitol. Hereupon the
senate was assembled and Clodius complained of Cicero, who answered,
that Clodius was never legally tribune, and therefore whatever he
had done was void, and of no authority. But Cato interrupted him while
he spoke, and at last standing up said, that indeed he in no way
justified or approved of Clodius's proceedings: but if they questioned
the validity of what had been done in his tribuneship, they might also
question what himself had done at Cyprus, for the expedition was
unlawful, if he that sent him had no lawful authority: for himself, he
thought Clodius was legally made tribune, who, by permission of the
law, was from a patrician adopted into a plebeian family; if he had
done ill in his office, he ought to be called to account for it; but
the authority of the magistracy ought not to suffer for the faults
of the magistrate. Cicero took this ill, and for a long time
discontinued his friendship with Cato; but they were afterwards
reconciled.
  Pompey and Crassus, by agreement with Caesar, who crossed the Alps
to see them, had formed a design, that they two should stand to be
chosen consuls a second time, and when they should be in their office,
they would continue to Caesar his government for five years more,
and take to themselves the greatest provinces, with armies and money
to maintain them. This seemed a plain conspiracy to subvert the
constitution and parcel out the empire. Several men of high
character had intended to stand to be consuls that year, but upon
the appearance of these great competitors, they all desisted, except
only Lucius Domitius, who had married Porcia, the sister of Cato,
and was by him persuaded to stand it out, and not abandon such an
undertaking, which, he said, was not merely to gain the consulship,
but to save the liberty of Rome. In the meantime, it was the common
topic among the more prudent part of the citizens, that they ought not
to suffer the power of Pompey and Crassus to be united, which would
then be carried beyond all bounds, and become dangerous to the
state; that therefore one of them must be denied. For these reasons
they took part with Domitius, whom they exhorted and encouraged to
go on, assuring him that many who feared openly to appear for him,
would privately assist him. Pompey's party fearing this, laid wait for
Domitius, and set upon him as he was going before daylight, with
torches, into the Field. First, he that bore the light next before
Domitius was knocked down and killed; then several others being
wounded, all the rest fled, except Cato and Domitius, whom Cato
held, though himself were wounded in the arm, and crying out, conjured
the others to stay, and not, while they had any breath, forsake the
defence of their liberty against those tyrants, who plainly showed
with what moderation they were likely to use the power which they
endeavoured to gain by such violence. But at length Domitius, also, no
longer willing to face the danger, fled to his own house, and so
Pompey and Crassus were declared elected.
  Nevertheless, Cato would not give over, but resolved to stand
himself to be praetor that year, which he thought would be some help
to him in his design of opposing them; that he might not act as a
private man, when he was to contend with public magistrates. Pompey
and Crassus apprehended this; and fearing that the office of praetor
in the person of Cato might be equal in authority to that of consul,
they assembled the senate unexpectedly, without giving notice to a
great many of the senators, and made an order, that those who were
chosen praetors should immediately enter upon their office, without
attending the usual time, in which, according to law, they might be
accused, if they had corrupted the people with gifts. When by this
order they had got leave to bribe freely, without being called to
account, they set up their own friends and dependents to stand for the
praetorship, giving money, and watching the people as they voted.
Yet the virtue and reputation of Cato was like to triumph over all
these stratagems; for the people generally felt it to be shameful that
a price should be paid for the rejection of Cato, who ought rather
to be paid himself to take upon him the office. So he carried it by
the voices of the first tribe. Hereupon Pompey immediately framed a
lie, crying out, it thundered; and straight broke up the assembly, for
the Romans religiously observed this as a bad omen, and never
concluded any matter after it had thundered. Before the next time,
they had distributed larger bribes, and driving also the best men
out of the Field, by these foul means they procured Vatinius to be
chosen praetor, instead of Cato. It is said, that those who had thus
corruptly and dishonestly given their voices hurried, as if it were in
flight, out of the Field. The others staying together, and
exclaiming at the event, one of the tribunes continued the assembly,
and Cato standing up, as it were by inspiration, foretold all the
miseries that afterwards befell the state, exhorted them to beware
of Pompey and Crassus, who were guilty of such things, and had laid
such designs, that they might well fear to have Cato praetor. When
he had ended this speech, he was followed to his house by a greater
number of people than all the new praetors elect put together.
  Caius Trebonius now proposed the law for allotting provinces to
the consuls, one of whom was to have Spain and Africa, the other Egypt
and Syria, with full power of making war, and carrying it on both by
sea and land, as they should think fit. When this was proposed, all
others despaired of putting any stop to it, and neither did nor said
anything against it. But Cato, before the voting began, went up into
the place of speaking, and desiring to be heard, was with much
difficulty allowed two hours to speak. Having spent that time in
informing them and reasoning with them, and in foretelling to them
much that was to come, he was not suffered to speak any longer; but as
he was going on, a serjeant came and pulled him down; yet when he
was down, he still continued speaking in a loud voice, and finding
many to listen to him, and join in his indignation. Then the
serjeant took him, and forced him out of the forum; but as soon as
he got loose, he returned again to the place of speaking, crying out
to the people to stand by him. When he had done thus several times,
Trebonius grew very angry, and commanded him to be carried to
prison; but the multitude followed him, and listened to the speech
which he made to them as he went along; so that Trebonius began to
be afraid again, and ordered him to be released. Thus that day was
expended, and the business staved off by Cato. But in the days
succeeding, many of the citizens being overawed by fears and
threats, and others won by gifts and favours, Aquillius, one of the
tribunes, they kept by an armed force within the senate-house; Cato,
who cried it thundered, they drove out of the forum; many were
wounded, and some slain; and at length by open force they passed the
law. At this many were so incensed that they got together and were
going to throw down the statues of Pompey; but Cato went and
diverted them from that design.
  Again, another law was proposed, concerning the provinces and
legions of Caesar. Upon this occasion Cato did not apply himself to
the people, but appealed to Pompey himself; and told him, he did not
consider now that he was setting Caesar upon his own shoulders, who
would shortly grow too weighty for him; and at length, not able to lay
down the burden, nor yet to bear it any longer, he would precipitate
both it and himself with it upon the commonwealth; and then he would
remember Cato's advice, which was no less advantageous to him than
just and honest in itself. Thus was Pompey often warned, but still
disregarded and slighted it, never mistrusting Caesar's change, and
always confiding in his own power and good fortune.
  Cato was made praetor the following year; but, it seems, he did
not do more honour and credit to the office by his signal integrity
than he disgraced and diminished it by his strange behaviour. For he
would often come to the court without his shoes, and sit upon the
bench without any undergarment, and in this attire would give judgment
in capital causes, and upon persons of the highest rank. It is said,
also, he used to drink wine after his morning meal, and then
transact the business of his office; but this was wrongfully
reported of him. The people were at that time extremely corrupted by
the gifts of those who sought offices, and most made a constant
trade of selling their voices. Cato was eager utterly to root this
corruption out of the commonwealth; he therefore persuaded the
senate to make an order, that those who were chosen into any office,
though nobody should accuse them, should be obliged to come into the
court, and give account upon oath of their proceedings in their
election. This was extremely obnoxious to those who stood for the
offices, and yet more to those vast numbers who took the bribes.
Insomuch that one morning, as Cato was going to the tribunal, a
great multitude of people flocked together, and with loud cries and
maledictions reviled him, and threw stones at him. Those that were
about the tribunal presently fled, and Cato himself being forced
thence, and jostled about in the throng, very narrowly escaped the
stones that were thrown at him, and with much difficulty got hold of
the rostra; where, standing up with a bold and undaunted
countenance, he at once mastered the tumult, and silenced the clamour;
and addressing them in fit terms for the occasion, was heard with
great attention, and perfectly quelled the sedition. Afterwards, on
the senate commending him for this, "But I," said he, "do not
commend you for abandoning your praetor in danger, and bringing him no
assistance."
  In the meantime, the candidates were in great perplexity; for
every one dreaded to give money himself, and yet feared lest his
competitors should. At length they agreed to lay down one hundred
and twenty-five thousand drachmas apiece, and then all of them to
canvass fairly and honestly, on condition, that if any one was found
to make use of bribery he should forfeit the money. Being thus agreed,
they chose Cato to keep the stakes, and arbitrate the matter; to him
they brought the sum concluded on, and before him subscribed the
agreement. The money he did not choose to have paid for them, but took
their securities who stood bound for them. Upon the day of election,
he placed himself by the tribune who took the votes, and very
watchfully observing all that passed, he discovered one who had broken
the agreement, and immediately ordered him to pay his money to the
rest. They, however, commending his justice highly, remitted the
penalty, as thinking the discovery a sufficient punishment. It raised,
however, as much envy against Cato as it gained him reputation, and
many were offended at his thus taking upon himself the whole authority
of the senate, the courts of judicature, and the magistracies. For
there is no virtue, the honour and credit for which procures a man
more odium than that of justice; and this, because more than any
other, it acquires a man power and authority among the common
people. For they only honour the valiant and admire the wise, while in
addition they also love just men, and put entire trust and
confidence in them. They fear the bold man, and mistrust the clever
man, and moreover think them rather beholding to their natural
complexion, than to any goodness of their will, for these excellences;
they look upon valour as a certain natural strength of the mind, and
wisdom as a constitutional acuteness; whereas a man has it in his
power to be just, if he have but the will to be so, and therefore
injustice is thought the most dishonourable, because it is least
excusable.
  Cato upon this account was opposed by all the great men, who thought
themselves reproved by his virtue. Pompey especially looked upon the
increase of Cato's credit as the ruin of his own power, and
therefore continually set up men to rail against him. Among these
was the seditious Clodius, now again united to Pompey, who declared
openly, that Cato had conveyed away a great deal of the treasure
that was found in Cyprus; and that he hated Pompey only because he
refused to marry his daughter. Cato answered, that although they had
allowed him neither horse nor man, he had brought more treasure from
Cyprus alone, than Pompey had, after so many wars and triumphs, from
the ransacked world; that he never sought the alliance of Pompey;
not that he thought him unworthy of being related to him, but
because he differed so much from him in things that concerned the
commonwealth. "For," said he, "I laid down the province that was given
me, when I went out of my praetorship; Pompey, on the contrary,
retains many provinces for himself, and he bestows many on others; and
but now he sent Caesar a force of six thousand men into Gaul, which
Caesar never asked the people for, nor had Pompey obtained their
consent to give. Men, and horse, and arms, in any number, are become
the mutual gifts of private men to one another; and Pompey, keeping
the titles of commander and general, hands over the armies and
provinces to others to govern, while he himself stays at home to
preside at the contests of the canvass, and to stir up tumults at
elections; out of the anarchy he thus creates among us, seeking, we
see well enough, a monarchy for himself." Thus he retorted on Pompey.
  He had an intimate friend and admirer of the name of Marcus
Favonius, much the same to Cato as we are told Apollodorus, the
Phalerian, was in old time to Socrates, whose words used to throw
him into perfect transports and ecstasies, getting into his head, like
strong wine, and intoxicating him to a sort of frenzy. This Favonius
stood to be chosen aedile, and was like to lose it; but Cato, who
was there to assist him, observed that all the votes were written in
one hand, and discovering the cheat, appealed to the tribunes, who
stopped the election. Favonius was afterwards chosen aedile, and Cato,
who assisted him in all things that belonged to his office, also
undertook the care of the spectacles that were exhibited in the
theatre; giving the actors crowns, not of gold, but of wild olive,
such as used to be given at the Olympic games; and instead of the
magnificent presents that were usually made, he offered to the
Greeks beet root, lettuces, radishes, and pears; and to the Romans
earthen pots of wine, pork, figs, cucumbers, and little faggots of
wood. Some ridiculed Cato for his economy, others looked with
respect on this gentle relaxation of his usual rigour and austerity.
In fine, Favonius himself mingled with the crowd, and sitting among
the spectators, clapped and applauded Cato, bade him bestow rewards on
those who did well, and called on the people to pay their honours to
him, as for himself he had placed his whole authority in Cato's hands.
At the same time, Curio, the colleague of Favonius, gave very
magnificent entertainments in another theatre; but the people left
his, and went to those of Favonius, which they much applauded, and
joined heartily in the diversion, seeing him act the private man,
and Cato the master of the shows, who, in fact, did all this in
derision of the great expenses that others incurred, and to teach
them, that in amusements men ought to seek amusement only, and the
display of a decent cheerfulness, not great preparations and costly
magnificence, demanding the expenditure of endless care and trouble
about things of little concern.
  After this, Scipio, Hypsaeus, and Milo, stood to be consuls, and
that not only with the usual and now recognized disorders of bribery
and corruption, but with arms and slaughter, and every appearance of
carrying their audacity and desperation to the length of actual
civil war. Whereupon it was proposed that Pompey might be empowered to
preside over that election. This Cato at first opposed, saying that
the laws ought not to seek protection from Pompey, but Pompey from the
laws. Yet the confusion lasting a long time, the forum continually, as
it were, besieged with three armies, and no possibility appearing of a
stop being put to these disorders, Cato at length agreed that,
rather than fall into the last extremity, the senate should freely
confer all on Pompey; since it was necessary to make use of a lesser
illegality as a remedy against the greatest of all, and better to
set up a monarchy themselves than to suffer a sedition to continue
that must certainly end in one. Bibulus, therefore, a friend of
Cato's, moved the senate to create Pompey sole consul; for that either
he would reestablish the lawful government, or they should serve under
the master. Cato stood up, and, contrary to all expectation,
seconded this motion, concluding that any government was better than
mere confusion, and that he did not question but Pompey would deal
honourably, and take care of the commonwealth thus committed to his
charge. Pompey being hereupon declared consul, invited Cato to see him
in the suburbs. When he came, he saluted and embraced him very kindly,
acknowledged the favour he had done him, and desired his counsel and
assistance, in the management of this office. Cato made answer, that
what he had spoken on any former occasion was not out of hate to
Pompey, nor what he had now done out of love to him, but all for the
good of the commonwealth; that in private, if he asked him, he would
freely give his advice; and in public, though he asked him not, he
would always speak his opinion. And he did accordingly. For first,
when Pompey made severe laws, for punishing and laying great fines
on those who had corrupted the people with gifts, Cato advised him
to let alone what was already passed, and to provide for the future;
for if he should look up past misdemeanours, it would be difficult
to know where to stop; and if he would ordain new penalties, it
would be unreasonable to punish men by a law, which at that time
they had not the opportunity of breaking. Afterwards, when many
considerable men, and some of Pompey's own relations, were accused,
and he grew remiss, and disinclined to the prosecution, Cato sharply
reproved him, and urged him to proceed. Pompey had made a law, also,
to forbid the custom of making commendatory orations in behalf of
those that were accused; yet he himself wrote one for Munatius
Plancus, and sent it while the cause was pleading; upon which Cato,
who was sitting as one of the judges, stopped his ears with his hands,
and would not hear it read. Whereupon Plancus, before sentence was
given, excepted against him, but was condemned notwithstanding. And
indeed Cato was a great trouble and perplexity to almost all that were
accused of anything, as they feared to have him one of their judges,
yet did not dare to demand his exclusion. And many had been
condemned because, by refusing him, they seemed to show that they
could not trust to their own innocence; and it was a reproach thrown
in the teeth of some by their enemies, that they had not accepted Cato
for their judge.
  In the meanwhile, Caesar kept close with his forces in Gaul, and
continued in arms; and at the same time employed his gifts, his
riches, and his friends above all things, to increase his power in the
city. And now Cato's old admonitions began to rouse Pompey out of
the negligent security in which he lay, into a sort of imagination
of danger at hand; but seeing him slow and unwilling, and timorous
to undertake any measures of prevention against Caesar, Cato
resolved himself to stand for the consulship, and presently force
Caesar either to lay down his arms or discover his intentions. Both
Cato's competitors were persons of good position; Sulpicius, who was
one, owed much to Cato's credit and authority in the city, and it
was thought unhandsome and ungratefully done, to stand against him;
not that Cato himself took it ill. "For it is no wonder." said he, "if
a man will not yield to another, in that which he esteems the greatest
good." He had persuaded the senate to make an order, that those who
stood for offices should themselves ask the people for their votes,
and not solicit by others, nor take others about with them to speak
for them, in their canvass. And this made the common people very
hostile to him, if they were to lose not only the means of receiving
money, but also the opportunity of obliging several persons, and so to
become by his means both poor and less regarded. Besides this, Cato
himself was by nature altogether unfit for the business of canvassing,
as he was more anxious to sustain the dignity of his life and
character than to obtain the office. Thus by following his own way
of soliciting, and not suffering his friends to do those things
which take away the multitude, he was rejected and lost the
consulship.
  But whereas, upon such occasions, not only those who missed the
office, but even their friends and relations, used to feel
themselves disgraced and humiliated, and observed a sort of mourning
for several days after, Cato took it so unconcernedly that he anointed
himself, and played at ball in the field, and after breakfasting, went
into the forum, as he used to do, without his shoes or his tunic,
and there walked about with his acquaintance. Cicero blames him, for
that when affairs required such a consul, he would not take more
pains, nor condescend to pay some court to the people, as also because
that he afterwards neglected to try again; whereas he had stood a
second time to be chosen praetor. Cato answered that he lost the
praetorship the first time, not by the voice of the people, but by the
violence and corrupt dealing of his adversaries; whereas in the
election of consuls there had been no foul play. So that he plainly
saw the people did not like his manners, which an honest man ought not
to alter for their sake; nor yet would a wise man attempt the same
thing again, while liable to the same prejudices.
  Caesar was at this time engaged with many warlike nations, and was
subduing them at great hazards. Among the rest, it was believed he had
set upon the Germans, in a time of truce, and had thus slain three
hundred thousand of them. Upon which, some of his friends moved the
senate for a public thanksgiving; but Cato declared they ought to
deliver Caesar into the hands of those who had been thus unjustly
treated, and so expiate the offence and not bring a curse upon the
city; "Yet we have reason," said he, "to thank the gods, for that they
spared the commonwealth, and did not take vengeance upon the army, for
the madness and folly of the general." Hereupon Caesar wrote a
letter to the senate which was read openly, and was full of
reproachful language and accusations against Cato; who, standing up,
seemed not at all concerned, and without any heat or passion, but in a
calm and, as it were, premeditated discourse, made all Caesar's
charges against him show like mere common scolding and abuse, and in
fact a sort of pleasantry and play on Caesar's part; and proceeding
then to go into all Caesar's political courses, and to explain and
reveal (as though he had been not his constant opponent, but his
fellow-conspirator) his whole conduct and purpose from its
commencement, he concluded by telling the senate, it was not the
sons of the Britons or the Gauls they need fear, but Caesar himself,
if they were wise. And this discourse so moved and awakened the
senate, that Caesar's friends repented they had had a letter read,
which had given Cato an opportunity of saying so many reasonable
things, and such severe truths against him. However, nothing was
then decided upon; it was merely said, that it would be well to send
him a successor. Upon that, Caesar's friends required that Pompey also
should lay down his arms, and resign his provinces, or else that
Caesar might not be obliged to either. Then Cato cried out, what he
had foretold was come to pass; now it was manifest he was using his
forces to compel their judgment, and was turning against the state
those armies he had got from it by imposture and trickery. But out
of the senate-house Cato could do but little, as the people were
ever ready to magnify Caesar; and the senate, though convinced by
Cato, were afraid of the people.
  But when the news was brought that Caesar had seized Ariminum, and
was marching with his army toward Rome, then all men, even Pompey, and
the common people too, cast their eyes on Cato, who had alone foreseen
and first clearly declared Caesar's intentions. He therefore told
them, "If you had believed me, or regarded my advice, you would not
now have been reduced to stand in fear of one man, or to put all
your hopes in one alone." Pompey acknowledged that Cato indeed had
spoken most like a prophet, while he himself had acted too much like a
friend. And Cato advised the senate to put all into the hands of
Pompey; "For those who can raise up great evils," said he, "can best
allay them."
  Pompey, finding he had not sufficient forces, and that those he
could raise were not very resolute, forsook the city. Cato,
resolving to follow Pompey into exile, sent his younger son to
Munatius, who was then in the country of Bruttium, and took his eldest
son with him; but wanting somebody to keep his house and take care
of his daughters, he took Marcia again, who was now a rich widow,
Hortensius being dead, and having left her all his estate. Caesar
afterward made use of this action also, to reproach him with
covetousness, and a mercenary design in his marriage. "For," said
he, "if he had need of a wife why did he part with her? And if he
had not, why did he take her again? Unless he gave her only as a
bait to Hortensius; and lent her when she was young, to have her again
when she was rich." But in answer to this, we might fairly apply the
saying of Euripides-

        "To speak of mysteries- the chief of these
         Surely were cowardice in Hercules."

For it is much the same thing to reproach Hercules for cowardice,
and to accuse Cato of covetousness; though otherwise, whether he did
altogether right in this marriage, might be disputed. As soon,
however, as he had again taken Marcia, he committed his house and
his daughters to her, and himself followed Pompey. And it is said,
that from that day he never cut his hair, nor shaved his beard, nor
wore a garland, but was always full of sadness, grief, and
dejectedness for the calamities of his country, and continually showed
the same feeling to the last, whatever party had misfortune or
success.
  The government of Sicily being allotted to him, he passed over to
Syracuse; where, understanding that Asinius Pollio was arrived at
Messena, with forces from the enemy, Cato sent to him, to know the
reason of his coming thither: Pollio, on the other side, called upon
him to show reason for the present convulsions. And being at the
same time informed how Pompey had quite abandoned Italy, and lay
encamped at Dyrrhachium, he spoke of the strangeness and
incomprehensibility of the divine government of things; "Pompey,
when he did nothing wisely nor honestly, was always successful; and
now that he would preserve his country, and defend her liberty, he
is altogether unfortunate." As for Asinius, he said, he could drive
him out of Sicily, but as there were larger forces coming to his
assistance, he would not engage the island in a war. He therefore
advised the Syracusans to join the conquering party and provide for
their own safety; and so set sail from thence.
  When he came to Pompey, he uniformly gave advice to protract the
war; as he always hoped to compose matters, and was by no means
desirous that they should come to action; for the commonwealth would
suffer extremely, and be the certain cause of its own ruin, whoever
were conqueror by the sword. In like manner, he persuaded Pompey and
the council to ordain that no city should be sacked that was subject
to the people of Rome; and that no Roman should be killed but in the
heat of battle; and hereby he got himself great honour, and brought
over many to Pompey's party, whom his moderation and humanity
attracted. Afterwards being sent into Asia, to assist those who were
raising men and preparing ships in those parts, he took with him his
sister Servilia, and a little boy whom she had by Lucullus. For
since her widowhood, she had lived with her brother, and much
recovered her reputation, having put herself under his care,
followed him in his voyages, and complied with his severe way of
living. Yet Caesar did not fail to asperse him upon her account also.
  Pompey's officers in Asia, it seems, had no great need of Cato;
but he brought over the people of Rhodes by his persuasions, and
leaving his sister Servilia and her child there, he returned to
Pompey, who had now collected very great forces both by sea and
land. And here Pompey, more than in any other act, betrayed his
intentions. For at first he designed to give Cato the command of the
navy, which consisted of no less than five hundred ships of war,
besides a vast number of light galleys, scouts, and open boats. But
presently bethinking himself, or put in mind by his friends, that
Cato's principal and only aim being to free his country from all
usurpation, if he were master of such great forces, as soon as ever
Caesar should be conquered, he would certainly call upon Pompey, also,
to lay down his arms, and be subject to the laws, he changed his mind,
and though he had already mentioned it to Cato, nevertheless made
Bibulus admiral. Notwithstanding this, he had no reason to suppose
that Cato's zeal in the cause was in any way diminished. For before
one of the battles at Dyrrhachium, when Pompey himself, we are told,
made an address to soldiers and bade the officers do the like, the men
listened to them but coldly and with silence, until Cato, last of all,
came forward, and in the language of philosophy, spoke to them, as the
occasion required, concerning liberty, manly virtue, death, and a good
name; upon all which he delivered himself with strong natural passion,
and concluded with calling in the aid of the gods, to whom he directed
his speech, as if they were present to behold them fight for their
country. And at this the army gave such a shout and showed such
excitement that their officers led them on full of hope and confidence
to the danger. Caesar's party were routed and put to flight; but his
presiding fortune used the advantage of Pompey's cautiousness and
diffidence to render the victory incomplete. But of this we have
spoken in the life of Pompey. While, however, all the rest rejoiced,
and magnified their success, Cato alone bewailed his country, and
cursed that fatal ambition which made so many brave Romans murder
one another.
  After this Pompey, following Caesar into Thessaly, left at
Dyrrhachium a quantity of munitions, money, and stores, and many of
his domestics and relations; the charge of all which he gave to
Cato, with the command only of fifteen cohorts. For though he
trusted him much, yet he was afraid of him too, knowing full well,
that if he had bad success, Cato would be the last to forsake him, but
if he conquered, would never let him use his victory at his
pleasure. There were, likewise, many persons of high rank that
stayed with Cato at Dyrrhachium. When they heard of the overthrow at
Pharsalia, Cato resolved with himself, that if Pompey were slain, he
would conduct those that were with him into Italy, and then retire
as far from the tyranny of Caesar as he could, and live in exile;
but if Pompey were safe, he would keep the army together for him. With
this resolution he passed over to Corcyra, where the navy lay; there
he would have resigned his command to Cicero, because he had been
consul, and himself only a praetor: but Cicero refused it, and was
going for Italy. At which Pompey's son being incensed, would rashly
and in heat have punished all those who were going away, and in the
first place have laid hands on Cicero; but Cato spoke with him in
private, and diverted him from that design. And thus he clearly
saved the life of Cicero, and rescued several others also from
ill-treatment.
  Conjecturing that Pompey the Great was fled toward Egypt or
Africa, Cato resolved to hasten after him; and having taken all his
men aboard, he set sail; but first to those who were not zealous to
continue the contest, he gave free liberty to depart. When they came
to the coast of Africa they met with Sextus, Pompey's youngest son,
who told them of the death of his father in Egypt; at which they
were all exceedingly grieved, and declared that after Pompey they
would follow no other leader but Cato. Out of compassion, therefore,
to so many worthy persons, who had given such testimonies of their
fidelity, and whom he could not for shame leave in a desert country,
amidst so many difficulties, he took upon him the command, and marched
toward the city of Cyrene, which presently received him, though not
long before they had shut gates against Labienus. Here he was informed
that Scipio, Pompey's father-in-law, was received by King Juba, and
that Attius Varus, whom Pompey had made governor of Africa, had joined
them with his forces. Cato therefore resolved to march toward them
by land, it being now winter; and got together a number of asses to
carry water, and furnished himself likewise with plenty of all other
provision, and a number of carriages. He took also with him some of
those they call Psylli, who cure the biting of serpents, by sucking
out the poison with their mouths, and have likewise certain charms, by
which they stupefy and lay asleep the serpents.
  Thus they marched seven days together, Cato all the time going on
foot at the head of his men, and never making use of any horse or
chariot. Ever since the battle of Pharsalia, he used to sit at
table, and added this to his other ways of mourning, that he never lay
down but to sleep.
  Having passed the winter in Africa, Cato drew out his army, which
amounted to little less than ten thousand. The affairs of Scipio and
Varus went very ill, by reason of their dissensions and quarrels among
themselves, and their submissions and flatteries to King Juba, who was
insupportable for his vanity, and the pride he took in his strength
and riches. The first time he came to a conference with Cato, he had
ordered his own seat to be placed in the middle, between Scipio and
Cato; which Cato observing, took up his chair and set himself on the
other side of Scipio, to whom he thus gave the honour of sitting in
the middle, though he were his enemy, and had formerly published
some scandalous writing against him. There are people who speak as
if this were quite an insignificant matter, and who, nevertheless,
find fault with Cato, because in Sicily, walking one day with
Philostratus, he gave him the middle place, to show his respect for
philosophy. However, he now succeeded both in humbling the pride of
Juba, who was treating Scipio and Varus much like a pair of satraps
under his orders, and also in reconciling them to each other. All
the troops desired him to be their leader; Scipio, likewise, and Varus
gave way to it, and offered him the command; but he said he would
not break those laws which he sought to defend, and he, being but
propraetor, ought not to command in the presence of a proconsul (for
Scipio had been created proconsul), besides that people took it as a
good omen to see a Scipio command in Africa, and the very name
inspired the soldiers with hopes of success.
  Scipio, having taken upon him the command, presently resolved, at
the instigation of Juba, to put all the inhabitants of Utica to the
sword, and to raze the city, for having, as they professed, taken part
with Caesar. Cato would by no means suffer this; but invoking the
gods, exclaiming and protesting against it in the council of war, he
with much difficulty delivered the poor people from this cruelty.
And afterwards, upon the entreaty of the inhabitants, and at the
instance of Scipio, Cato took upon himself the government of Utica,
lest, one way or the other, it should fall into Caesar's hands; for it
was a strong place, and very advantageous for either party. And it was
yet better provided and more strongly fortified towers, and who
brought in great store of corn, repaired the walls, erected towers,
and made deep trenches and palisades around the town. The young men of
Utica he lodged among these works, having first taken their arms
from them; the rest of the inhabitants he kept within the town, and
took the greatest care that no injury should be done nor affront
offered them by the Romans. From hence he sent great quantity of arms,
money, and provision to the camp, and made this city their chief
magazine.
  He advised Scipio, as he had before done Pompey, by no means to
hazard a battle against a man experienced in war, and formidable in
the field, but to use delay; for time would gradually abate the
violence of the crisis, which is the strength of usurpation. But
Scipio out of pride rejected this counsel, and wrote a letter to Cato,
in which he reproached him with cowardice; and that he could not be
content to lie secure himself within walls and trenches, but he must
hinder others from boldly using their own good sense to seize the
right opportunity. In answer to this, Cato wrote word again, that he
would take the horse and foot which he had brought into Africa, and go
over into Italy, to make a diversion there, and draw Caesar off from
them. But Scipio derided this proposition also. Then Cato openly let
it be seen that he was sorry he had yielded the command to Scipio, who
he saw would not carry on the war with any wisdom, and if, contrary to
all appearance, he should succeed, he would use his success as
unjustly at home. For Cato had then made up his mind, and so he told
his friends, that he could have but slender hopes in those generals
that had so much boldness and so little conduct; yet if anything
should happen beyond expectation, and Caesar should be overthrown, for
his part he would not stay at Rome, but would retire from the
cruelty and inhumanity of Scipio, who had already uttered fierce and
proud threats against many.
  But what Cato had looked for, fell out sooner than he expected. Late
in the evening came one from the army, whence he had been three days
coming, who brought word there had been a great battle near Thapsus;
that all was utterly lost; Caesar had taken the camps, Scipio and Juba
were fled with a few only, and all the rest of the army were lost.
This news arriving in time of war, and in the night, so alarmed the
people, that they were almost out of their wits, and could scarce keep
themselves within the walls of the city. But Cato came forward, and
meeting the people in this hurry and clamour, did all he could to
comfort and encourage them, and somewhat appeased the fear and
amazement they were in, telling them that very likely things were
not so bad in truth, but much exaggerated in the report. And so he
pacified the tumult for the present. The next morning he sent for
three hundred, whom he used as his council; these were Romans, who
were in Africa upon business, in commerce and money-lending; there
were also several senators and their sons. They were summoned to
meet in the temple of Jupiter. While they were coming together, Cato
walked about very quietly and unconcerned, as if nothing new had
happened. He had a book in his hand, which he was reading; in this
book was an account of what provision he had for war, armour, corn,
ammunition, and soldiers.
  When they were assembled, he began his discourse; first, as regarded
the three hundred themselves, and very much commended the courage
and fidelity they had shown, and their having very well served their
country with their persons, money, and counsel. Then he entreated them
by no means to separate, as if each single man could hope for any
safety in forsaking his companions; on the contrary, while they kept
together, Caesar would have less reason to despise them, if they
fought against him, and be more forward to pardon them, if they
submitted to him. Therefore he advised them to consult among
themselves, nor should he find fault whichever course they adopted. If
they thought fit to submit to fortune, he would impute their change to
necessity; but if they resolved to stand firm, and undertake the
danger for the sake of liberty, he should not only commend, but admire
their courage, and would himself be their leader and companion too,
till they had put to the proof the utmost fortune of their country;
which was not Utica or Adrumetum but Rome, and she had often, by her
own greatness, raised herself after worse disasters. Besides, as there
were many things that would conduce to their safety, so chiefly
this, that they were to fight against one whose affairs urgently
claimed his presence in various quarters. Spain was already revolted
to the younger Pompey; Rome was unaccustomed to the bridle, and
impatient of it, and would therefore be ready to rise in
insurrection upon any turn of affairs. As for themselves, they ought
not to shrink from the danger; and in this might take example from
their enemy, who so freely exposes his life to effect the most
unrighteous designs, yet never can hope for so happy a conclusion as
they may promise themselves; for notwithstanding the uncertainty of
war, they will be sure of a most happy life if they succeed, or a most
glorious death if they miscarry. However, he said, they ought to
deliberate among themselves; and he joined with them in praying the
gods that in recompense of their former courage and good-will, they
would prosper their present determinations. When Cato had thus spoken,
many were moved and encouraged by his arguments, but the greatest part
were so animated by the sense of his intrepidity, generosity, and
goodness, that they forgot the present danger, and as if he were the
only invincible leader, and above all fortune, they entreated him to
employ their persons, arms, and estates, as he thought fit; for they
esteemed it far better to meet death in following his counsel, than to
find their safety in betraying one of so great virtue. One of the
assembly proposed the making a decree to set the slaves at liberty;
and most of the rest approved the motion. Cato said that it ought
not to be done, for it was neither just nor lawful; but if any of
their masters would willingly set them free, those that were fit for
service should be received. Many promised so to do, whose names he
ordered to be enrolled, and then withdrew.
  Presently after this he received letters from Juba and Scipio. Juba,
with some few of his men, was retired to a mountain, where he waited
to hear what Cato would resolve upon; and intended to stay there for
him, if he thought fit to leave Utica, or to come to his aid with
his troops, if he were besieged. Scipio was on shipboard, near a
certain promontory, not far from Utica, expecting an answer upon the
same account. But Cato thought fit to retain the messengers till the
three hundred should come to some resolution.
  As for the senators that were there, they showed great
forwardness, and at once set free their slaves, and furnished them
with arms. But the three hundred being men occupied in merchandise and
money-lending, much of their substance also consisting in slaves,
the enthusiasm that Cato's speech had raised in them did not long
continue. As there are substances that easily admit heat, and as
suddenly lose it, when the fire is removed, so these men were heated
and inflamed while Cato was present; but when they began to reason
among themselves, the fear they had of Caesar soon overcame their
reverence for Cato and for virtue. "For who are we," said they, "and
who is it we refuse to obey? Is it not that Caesar who is now invested
with all the power of Rome? and which of us is a Scipio, a Pompey,
or a Cato? But now that all men make their honour give way to their
fear, shall we alone engage for the liberty of Rome, and in Utica
declare war against him, before whom Cato and Pompey the Great fled
out of Italy? Shall we set free our slaves against Caesar, who have
ourselves no more liberty than he is pleased to allow? No, let us,
poor creatures, know ourselves, submit to the victor, and send
deputies to implore his mercy." Thus said the most moderate of them;
but the greatest part were for seizing the senators, that by
securing them they might appease Caesar's anger. Cato, though he
perceived the change, took no notice of it; but wrote to Juba and
Scipio to keep away from Utica, because he mistrusted the three
hundred.
  A considerable body of horse, which had escaped from the late fight,
riding up towards Utica, sent three men before to Cato, who yet did
not all bring the same message; for one party was for going to Juba,
another for joining with Cato, and some again were afraid to go into
Utica. When Cato heard this, he ordered Marcus Rubrius to attend
upon the three hundred, and quietly take the names of those who, of
their own accord, set their slaves at liberty, but by no means to
force anybody. Then taking with him the senators, he went out of the
town, and met the principal officers of these horsemen, whom he
entreated not to abandon so many Roman senators, not to prefer Juba
for their commander before Cato, but consult the common safety, and to
come into the city, which was impregnable, and well furnished with
corn and other provision, sufficient for many years. The senators
likewise with tears besought them to stay. Hereupon the officers
went to consult their soldiers, and Cato with the senators sat down
upon an embankment, expecting their resolution. In the meantime
comes Rubrius in great disorder, crying out, the three hundred were
all in commotion, and exciting revolt and tumult in the city. At
this all the rest fell into despair, lamenting and bewailing their
condition. Cato endeavoured to comfort them, and sent to the three
hundred, desiring them to have patience. Then the officers of the
horse returned with no very reasonable demands. They said, they did
not desire to serve Juba for his pay, nor should they fear Caesar,
while they followed Cato, but they dreaded to be shut up with the
Uticans, men of traitorous temper, and Carthaginian blood; for
though they were quiet at present, yet as soon as Caesar should
appear, without doubt they would conspire together, and betray the
Romans. Therefore, if he expected they should join with him, he must
drive out of the town or destroy all the Uticans, that he might
receive them into a place clear both of enemies and barbarians. This
Cato thought utterly cruel and barbarous; but he mildly answered, he
would consult the three hundred.
  Then he returned to the city, where he found the men, not framing
excuses, or dissembling out of reverence to him, but openly
declaring that no one should compel them to make war against Caesar;
which, they said, they were neither able nor willing to do. And some
there were who muttered words about retaining the senators till
Caesar's coming; but Cato seemed not to hear this, as indeed he had
the excuse of being a little deaf. At the same time came one to him
and told him the horse were going away. And now, fearing lest the
three hundred should take some desperate resolution concerning the
senators, he presently went out with some of his friends, and seeing
they were gone some way, he took horse, and rode after them. They,
when they saw him coming, were very glad, and received him very
kindly, entreating him to save himself with them. At this time, it
is said, Cato shed tears, while entreating them on behalf of the
senators, and stretching out his hands in supplication. He turned some
of their horses' heads, and laid hold of the men by their armour, till
in fine he prevailed with them out of compassion, to stay only that
one day, to procure a safe retreat for the senators. Having thus
persuaded them to go along with him, some he placed at the gates of
the town, and to others gave the charge of the citadel. The three
hundred began to fear they should suffer for their inconstancy, and
sent to Cato, entreating him by all means to come to them; but the
senators flocking about him, would not suffer him to go, and said they
would not trust their guardian and saviour to the hands of
perfidious traitors.
  For there had never, perhaps, been a time when Cato's virtue
appeared more manifestly; and every class of men in Utica could
clearly see, with sorrow and admiration, how entirely free was
everything that he was doing from any secret motives or any mixture of
self-regard; he, namely, who had long before resolved on his own
death, was taking such extreme pains, toil, and care, only for the
sake of others, that when he had secured their lives, he might put
an end to his own. For it was easily perceived that he had
determined to die, though he did not let it appear.
  Therefore, having pacified the senators, he complied with the
request of the three hundred, and went to them alone without any
attendance. They gave him many thanks, and entreated him to employ and
trust them for the future; and if they were not Catos, and could not
aspire to his greatness of mind, they begged he would pity their
weakness; and told him they had determined to send to Caesar and
entreat him, chiefly and in the first place, for Cato, and if they
could not prevail for him, they would not accept of pardon for
themselves, but as long as they had breath, would fight in his
defence. Cato commended their good intentions, and advised them to
send speedily, for their own safety, but by no means to ask anything
in his behalf; for those who are conquered, entreat, and those who
have done wrong, beg pardon; for himself, he did not confess to any
defeat in all his life, but rather, so far as he had thought fit, he
had got the victory, and had conquered Caesar in all points of justice
and honesty. It was Caesar that ought to be looked upon as one
surprised and vanquished; for he was now convicted and found guilty of
those designs against his country, which he had so long practised
and so constantly denied. When he had thus spoken, he went out of
the assembly, and being informed that Caesar was coming with his whole
army, "Ah," said he, "he expects to find us brave men." Then he went
to the senators, and urged them to make no delay, but hasten to be
gone, while the horsemen were yet in the city. So ordering all the
gates to be shut, except one towards the sea, he assigned their
several ships to those that were to depart, and gave money and
provision to those that wanted; all which he did with great order
and exactness, taking care to suppress all tumults, and that no
wrong should be done to the people.
  Marcus Octavius, coming with two legions, now encamped near Utica,
sent to Cato to arrange about the chief command. Cato returned him
no answer; but said to his friends, "Can we wonder all has gone ill
with us, when our love of office survives even in our very ruin?" In
the meantime, word was brought him, that the horse were going away,
and were beginning to spoil and plunder the citizens. Cato ran to
them, and from the first he met, snatched what they had taken; the
rest threw down all they had gotten, and went away silent and
ashamed of what they had done. Then he called all the people of Utica,
and requested them, upon the behalf of the three hundred, not to
exasperate Caesar against them, but all to seek their common safety
together with them. After that, he went again to the port to see those
who were about to embark; and there he embraced and dismissed those of
his friends and acquaintance whom he had persuaded to go. As for his
son, he did not counsel him to be gone, nor did he think fit to
persuade him to forsake his father. But there was one Statyllius, a
young man, in the flower of his age, of a brave spirit, and very
desirous to imitate the constancy of Cato. Cato entreated him to go
away, as he was a noted enemy to Caesar, but without success. Then
Cato looked at Apollonides, the stoic philosopher, and Demetrius,
the peripatetic; "It belongs to you to cool the fever of this young
man's spirit, and to make him know what is good for him." And thus, in
setting his friends upon their way, and in despatching the business of
any that applied to him, he spent that night and the greatest part
of the next day.
  Lucius Caesar, a kinsman of Caesar's, being appointed to go deputy
for the three hundred, came to Cato, and desired he would assist him
to prepare a persuasive speech for them; "And as to you yourself,"
said he, "it will be an honour for me to kiss the hands and fall at
the knees of Caesar, in your behalf." But Cato would by no means
permit him to do any such thing; "For as to myself," said he, "if I
would be preserved by Caesar's favour, I should myself go to him;
but I would not be beholden to a tyrant for his acts of tyranny. For
it is but usurpation in him to save, as their rightful lord, the lives
of men over whom he has no title to reign. But if you please, let us
consider what you had best say for the three hundred." And when they
had continued some time together, as Lucius was going away, Cato
recommended to him his son and the rest of his friends; and taking him
by the hand bade him farewell.
  Then he retired to his house again, and called together his son
and his friends, to whom he conversed on various subjects; among the
rest he forbade his son to engage himself in the affairs of state. For
to act therein as became him was now impossible; and to do
otherwise, would be dishonourable. Toward evening he went into his
bath. As he was bathing, he remembered Statyllius and called out loud,
"Apollonides, have you tamed the high spirit of Statyllius, and is
he gone without bidding us farewell?" "No," said Apollonides, "I
have said much to him, but to little purpose; he is still resolute and
unalterable, and declares he is determined to follow your example." At
this, it is said, Cato smiled, and answered, "That will soon be
tried."
  After he had bathed, he went to supper, with a great deal of
company; at which he sat up, as he had always used to do ever since
the battle of Pharsalia; for since that time he never lay down but
when he went to sleep. There supped with him all his own friends and
the magistrates of Utica.
  After supper, the wine produced a great deal of lively and agreeable
discourse, and a whole series of philosophical questions was
discussed. At length they came to the strange dogmas of the stoics,
called their Paradoxes; and to this in particular. That the good man
only is free, and that all wicked men are slaves. The peripatetic,
as was to be expected, opposing this, Cato fell upon him very
warmly; and somewhat raising his voice, he argued the matter at
great length, and urged the point with such vehemence, that it was
apparent to everybody he was resolved to put an end to his life, and
set himself at liberty. And so, when he had done speaking, there was a
great silence and evident dejection. Cato, therefore, to divert them
from any suspicion of his design, turned the conversation, and began
again to talk of matters of present interest and expectation,
showing great concern for those that were at sea, as also for the
others, who, travelling by land, were to pass through a dry and
barbarous desert.
  When the company was broke up, he walked with his friends, as he
used to do after supper, gave the necessary orders to the officers
of the watch, and going into his chamber, he embraced his son and
every one of his friends with more than usual warmth, which again
renewed their suspicion of his design. Then laying himself down, he
took into his hand Plato's dialogue concerning the soul. Having read
more than half the book, he looked up, and missing his sword, which
his son had taken away while he was at supper, he called his
servant, and asked who had taken away his sword. The servant making no
answer, he fell to reading again; and a little after, not seeming
importunate, or hasty for it, but as if he would only know what had
become of it, he bade it be brought. But having waited some time, when
he had read through the book, and still nobody brought the sword, he
called up all his servants, and in a louder tone demanded his sword.
To one of them he gave such a blow in the mouth, that he hurt his
own hand; and now grew more angry, exclaiming that he was betrayed and
delivered naked to the enemy by his son and his servants. Then his
son, with the rest of his friends, came running into the room, and
falling at his feet, began to lament and beseech him. But Cato raising
himself, and looking fiercely, "When," said he, "and how did I
become deranged, and out of my senses, that thus no one tries to
persuade me by reason, or show me what is better, if I am supposed
to be ill-advised? Must I be disarmed, and hindered from using my
own reason? And you, young man, why do you not bind your father's
hands behind him that, when Caesar comes, he may find me unable to
defend myself? To despatch myself I want no sword; I need but hold
my breath awhile, or strike my head against the wall."
  When he had thus spoken, his son went weeping out of the chamber,
and with him all the rest, except Demetrius and Apollonides, to
whom, being left alone with him, he began to speak more calmly. "And
you," said he, "do you also think to keep a man of my age alive by
force, and to sit here and silently watch me? Or do you bring me
some reasons to prove, that it will not be base and unworthy for Cato,
when he can find his safety no other way, to seek it from his enemy?
If so, adduce your arguments, and show cause why we should now unlearn
what we formerly were taught, in order that rejecting all the
convictions in which we lived, we may now by Caesar's help grow wiser,
and be yet more obliged to him for life only. Not that I have
determined aught concerning myself, but I would have it in my power to
perform what I shall think fit to resolve; and I shall not fail to
take you as my advisers, in holding counsel, as I shall do, with the
doctrines which your philosophy teaches in the meantime, do not
trouble yourselves, but go tell my son that he should not compel his
father to what he cannot persuade him to." They made him no answer,
but went weeping out of the chamber. Then the sword being brought in
by a little boy, Cato took it, drew it out, and looked at it; and when
he saw the point was good, "Now," said he, "I am master of myself;"
and laying down the sword, he took his book again, which, it is
related, he read twice over. After this he slept so soundly that he
was heard to snore by those that were without.
  About midnight, he called up two of his freedmen, Cleanthes, his
physician, and Butas, whom he chiefly employed in public business. Him
he sent to the port, to see if all his friends had sailed; to the
physician he gave his hand to be dressed, as it was swollen with the
blow he had struck one of his servants. At this they all rejoiced,
hoping that now he designed to live.
  Butas, after a while, returned, and brought word they were all
gone except Crassus, who had stayed about some business, but was
just ready to depart; he said, also, that the wind was high, and the
sea very rough. Cato, on hearing this, sighed, out of compassion to
those who were at sea, and sent Butas again to see if any of them
should happen to return for anything they wanted, and to acquaint
him therewith.
  Now the birds began to sing, and he again fell into a little
slumber. At length Butas came back, and told him all was quiet in
the port. Then Cato, laying himself down, as if he would sleep out the
rest of the night, bade him shut the door after him. But as soon as
Butas was gone out, he took his sword, and stabbed it into his breast;
yet not being able to use his band so well, on account of the
swelling, he did not immediately die of the wound; but struggling,
fell off the bed, and throwing down a little mathematical table that
stood by, made such a noise that the servants, hearing it, cried
out. And immediately his son and all his friends came into the
chamber, where, seeing him lie weltering in his blood, great part of
his bowels out of his body, but himself still alive and able to look
at them, they all stood in horror. The physician went to him, and
would have put in his bowels, which were not pierced, and sewed up the
wound; but Cato, recovering himself, and understanding the
intention, thrust away the physician, plucked out his own bowels,
and tearing open the wound, immediately expired.
  In less time than one would think his own family could have known
this accident, all the three hundred were at the door. And a little
after, the people of Utica flocked thither, crying out with one voice,
he was their benefactor and their saviour, the only free and only
undefeated man. At the very same time, they had news that Caesar was
coming; yet neither fear of the present danger, nor desire to
flatter the conqueror, nor the commotions and discord among
themselves, could divert them from doing honour to Cato. For they
sumptuously set out his body, made him a magnificent funeral, and
buried him by the seaside, where now stands his statue, holding a
sword. And only when this had been done, they returned to consider
of preserving themselves and their city.
  Caesar had been informed that Cato stayed at Utica, and did not seek
to fly; that he had sent away the rest of the Romans, but himself,
with his son and a few of his friends, continued there very
unconcernedly, so that he could not imagine what might be his
design. But having a great consideration for the man, he hastened
thither with his army. When he heard of his death, it is related he
said these words, "Cato, I grudge you your death, as you have
grudged me the preservation of your life." And, indeed, if Cato
would have suffered himself to owe his life to Caesar, he would not so
much have impaired his own honour, as augmented the other's glory.
What would have been done, of course, we cannot know, but from
Caesar's usual clemency, we may guess what was most likely.
  Cato was forty-eight years old when he died. His son suffered no
injury from Caesar; but, it is said, he grew idle, and was thought
to be dissipated among women. In Cappadocia, he stayed at the house of
Marphadates, one of the royal family there, who had a very handsome
wife; and continuing his visit longer than was suitable, he made
himself the subject of various epigrams; such as, for example-

        "To-morrow (being the thirtieth day)
         Cato, 'tis thought, will go away;"

        "Porcius and Marphadates, friends so true,
         One Soul, they say, suffices for the two,"

that being the name of the woman, and so again,-

        "To Cato's greatness every one confesses,
         A royal Soul he certainly possesses."

  But all these stains were entirely wiped off by the bravery of his
death. For in the battle of Philippi, where he fought for his
country's liberty against Caesar and Antony, when the ranks were
breaking, he, scorning to fly, or to escape unknown, called out to the
enemy, showed himself to them in front, and encouraged those of his
party who stayed; and at length fell, and left his enemies full of
admiration of his valour.
  Nor was the daughter of Cato inferior to the rest of her family
for sober-living and greatness of spirit. She was married to Brutus,
who killed Caesar; was acquainted with the conspiracy, and ended her
life as became one of her birth and virtue. All which is related in
the life of Brutus.
  Statyllius, who said he would imitate Cato, was at that time
hindered by the philosophers, when he would have put an end to his
life. He afterwards followed Brutus, to whom he was very faithful
and very serviceable, and died in the field of Philippi.


                              THE END
