                                      75 AD
                                     GALBA
                               5 B.C.? - 69 A.D.
                                  by Plutarch
                           translated by John Dryden
GALBA

  IPHICRATES the Athenian used to say that it is best to have a
mercenary soldier fond of money and of pleasures, for thus he will
fight the more boldly, to procure the means to gratify his desires.
But most have been of opinion, that the body of an army, as well as
the natural one, when in its healthy condition, should make no efforts
apart, but in compliance with its head. Wherefore they tell us that
Paulus Aemilius, on taking command of the forces in Macedonia, and
finding them talkative and impertinently busy, as though they were all
commanders, issued out his orders that they should have only ready
hands and keen swords, and leave the rest to him. And Plato, who can
discern use of a good ruler or general if his men are not on their
part obedient and conformable (the virtue of obeying, as of ruling,
being, in his opinion, one that does not exist without first a noble
nature, and then a philosophic education, where the eager and active
powers are allayed with the gentler and humaner sentiments), may claim
in confirmation of his doctrine sundry mournful instances elsewhere,
and, in particular, the events that followed among the Romans upon the
death of Nero, in which plain proofs were given that nothing is more
terrible than a military force moving about in an empire upon
uninstructed and unreasoning impulses. Demades, after the death of
Alexander, compared the Macedonian army to the Cyclops after his eye
was out, seeing their many disorderly and unsteady motions. But the
calamities of the Roman government might be likened to the motions
of the giants that assailed heaven, convulsed as it was, and
distracted, and from every side recoiling, as it were, upon itself,
not so much by the ambition of those who were proclaimed emperors,
as by the covetousness and licence of the soldiery, who drove
commander after commander out, like nails one upon another.
  Dionysius, in raillery, said of the Pheraean who enjoyed the
government of Thessaly only ten months, that he had been a
tragedy-king, but the Caesars' house in Rome, the Palatium, received
in a shorter space of time no less than four emperors, passing, as
it were, across the stage, and one making room for another to enter.
  This was the only satisfaction of the distressed, that they need not
require any other justice on their oppressors, seeing them thus murder
each other, and first of all, and that most justly, the one that
ensnared them first, and taught them to expect such happy results from
a change of emperors, sullying a good word by the pay he gave for
its being done and turning revolt against Nero into nothing better
than treason.
  For, as already related, Nymphidius Sabinus, captain of the
guards, together with Tigellinus, after Nero's circumstances were
now desperate, and it was perceived that he designed to fly into
Egypt, persuaded the troops to declare Galba emperor, as if Nero had
been already gone, promising to all the court and praetorian soldiers,
as they are called, seven thousand five hundred drachmas apiece, and
to those in service abroad twelve hundred and fifty drachmas each;
so vast a sum for a largess as it was impossible any one could
raise, but he must be infinitely more exacting and oppressive than
ever Nero was. This quickly brought Nero to his grave, and soon
after Galba too; they murdered the first in expectation of the
promised gift, and not long after the other because they did not
obtain it from him; and then, seeking about to find some one who would
purchase at such a rate, they consumed themselves in a succession of
treacheries and rebellions before they obtained their demands. But
to give a particular relation of all that passed would require a
history in full form; I have only to notice what is properly to my
purpose, namely, what the Caesars did and suffered.
  Sulpicius Galba is owned by all to have been the richest private
person that ever came to the imperial seat. And besides the additional
honour of being of the Servii, he valued himself more especially for
his relationship to Catulus, the most eminent citizen of his time both
for virtue and renown, however he may have voluntarily yielded to
others as regards power and authority. Galba was also akin to Livia,
the wife of Augustus, by whose interest he was preferred to the
consulship by the emperor. It is said of him that he commanded the
troops well in Germany, and, being made proconsul in Libya, gained a
reputation that few ever had. But his quiet manner of living and his
sparingness in expenses and his disregard of appearances gave him,
when he became emperor, an ill-name for meanness, being, in fact,
his worn-out credit for regularity and moderation. He was entrusted by
Nero with the government of Spain, before Nero had yet learned to be
apprehensive of men of great repute. To the opinion, moreover,
entertained of his mild natural temper, his old age added a belief
that he would never act incautiously. There while Nero's iniquitous
agents savagely and cruelly harassed the provinces under Nero's
authority, he could afford no succour, but merely offer this only ease
and consolation, that he seemed plainly to sympathize, as a
fellow-sufferer, with those who were condemned upon suits and sold.
And when lampoons were made upon Nero and circulated and sung
everywhere about, he neither prohibited them, nor showed any
indignation on behalf of the emperor's agents, and for this was the
more beloved; as also that he was now well acquainted with them,
having been in chief power there eight years at the time when Junius
Vindex, general of the forces in Gaul, began his insurrection
against Nero. And it is reported that letters came to Galba before
it fully broke out into an open rebellion, which he neither seemed
to give credit to, nor on the other hand to take means to let Nero
know; as other officers did, sending to him the letters which came
to them, and so spoiled the design, as much as in them lay, who yet
afterwards shared in the conspiracy, and confessed they had been
treacherous to themselves as well as him. At last Vindex, plainly
declaring war, wrote to Galba, encouraging him to take the
government upon him, and give a head to this strong body, the
Gaulish provinces, which could already count a hundred thousand men in
arms, and were able to arm a yet greater number if occasion were.
Galba laid the matter before his friends, some of whom thought it
fit to wait, and see what movement there might be and what
inclinations displayed at Rome for the revolution. But Titus Vinius,
captain of his praetorian guard, spoke thus: "Galba, what means this
inquiry? To question whether we shall continue faithful to Nero is, in
itself, to cease to be faithful. Nero is our enemy, and we must by
no means decline the help of Vindex: or else we must at once
denounce him, and march to attack him, because he wishes you to be the
governor of the Romans, rather than Nero their tyrant." Thereupon
Galba, by an edict, appointed a day when he would receive
manumissions, and general rumour and talk beforehand about his purpose
brought together a great crowd of men so ready for a change, that he
scarcely appeared, stepping up to the tribunal, but they with one
consent saluted him emperor. That title he refused at present to
take upon him; but after he had a while inveighed against Nero and
bemoaned the loss of the more conspicuous of those that had been
destroyed by him, he offered himself and service to his country, not
by the titles of Caesar or emperor, but as the lieutenant of the Roman
senate and people.
  Now that Vindex did wisely in inviting Galba to the empire, Nero
himself bore testimony; who, though he seemed to despise Vindex and
altogether to slight the Gauls and their concerns, yet when he heard
of Galba (as by chance he had just bathed and sat down to his
morning meal), at this news he overturned the table. But the senate
having voted Galba an enemy, presently, to make his jest, and likewise
to personate a confidence among his friends, "This is a very happy
opportunity," he said, "for me, who sadly want such a booty as that of
the Gauls, which must all fall in as lawful prize; and Galba's
estate I can use or sell at once, he being now an open enemy." And
accordingly he had Galba's property exposed to sale, which when
Galba heard of, he sequestered all that was Nero's in Spain, and found
far readier bidders.
  Many now began to revolt from Nero, and pretty nearly all adhered to
Galba; only Clodius Macer in Africa, and Virginius Rufus, commander of
the German forces in Gaul, followed counsel of their own; yet these
two were not of one and the same advice, for Clodius, being sensible
of the rapines and murders to which he had been led by cruelty and
covetousness, was in perplexity, and felt it was not safe for him
either to retain or quit his command. But Virginius, who had the
command of the strongest legions, by whom he was many repeated times
saluted emperor and pressed to take the title upon him, declared
that he neither would assume that honour himself, nor see it given
to any other than whom the senate should elect.
  These things at first did not a little disturb Galba, but when
presently Virginius and Vindex were in a manner forced by their
armies, having got the reins, as it were, out of their hands, to a
great encounter and battle, in which Vindex, having seen twenty
thousand of the Gauls destroyed, died by his own hand, and when the
report straight spread abroad, that all desired Virginius, after
this great victory, to take the empire upon him, or else they would
return to Nero again, Galba, in great alarm at this, wrote to
Virginius, exhorting him to join with him for the preservation of
the empire and the liberty of the Romans, and so retiring with his
friends into Clunia, a town in Spain, he passed away his time,
rather repenting his former rashness, and wishing for his wonted
ease and privacy, than setting about what was fit to be done.
  It was now summer, when on a sudden, a little before dusk, comes a
freedman Icelus by name, having arrived in seven days from Rome; and
being informed where Galba was reposing himself in private, he went
straight on, and pushing by the servants of the chamber, opened the
door and entered the room, and told him, that Nero being yet alive but
not appearing, first the army, and then the people and senate,
declared Galba emperor; not long after, it was reported that Nero
was dead; "but I," said he, "not giving credit to common fame, went
myself to the body and saw him lying dead, and only then set out to
bring you word." This news at once made Galba great again, and a crowd
of people came hastening to the door, all very confident of the
truth of his tidings, though the speed of the man was almost
incredible. Two days after came Titus Vinius with sundry others from
the camp, who gave an account in detail of the orders of the senate,
and for this service was considerably advanced. On the freedman, Galba
conferred the honour of the gold ring, and Icelus, as he had been
before, now taking the name of Marcianus, held the first place of
the freedmen.
  But at Rome, Nymphidius Sabinus, not gently, and little by little,
but at once, and without exception, engrossed all power to himself;
Galba, being an old man (seventy-three years of age), would
scarcely, he thought, live long enough to be carried in a litter to
Rome; and the troops in the city were from old time attached to him,
and now bound by the vastness of the promised gift, for which they
regarded him as their benefactor, and Galba as their debtor. Thus
presuming on his interest, he straightway commanded Tigellinus, who
was in joint commission with himself, to lay down his sword; and
giving entertainments, he invited the former consuls and commanders,
making use of Galba's name for the invitation; but at the same time
prepared many in the camp to propose that a request should be sent
to Galba that he should appoint Nymphidius sole prefect for life
without a colleague. And the modes which the senate took to show him
honour and increase his power, styling him their benefactor, and
attending daily at his gates, and giving him the compliment of heading
with his own name and confirming all their acts, carried him on to a
yet greater degree of arrogance, so that in a short time he became
an object, not only of dislike, but of terror, to those that sought
his favour. When the consuls themselves had despatched their
couriers with the decrees of the senate to the emperor, together
with the sealed diplomas, which the authorities in all the towns where
horses or carriages are changed look at, and on that certificate
hasten the courtiers forward with all their means, he was highly
displeased that his seal had not been used, and none of his soldiers
employed on the errand. Nay, he even deliberated what course to take
with the consuls themselves, but upon their submission and apology
he was at last pacified. To gratify the people, he did not interfere
with their beating to death any that fell into their hands of Nero's
party. Amongst others, Spiclus, the gladiator, was killed in the forum
by being thrown under Nero's statues, which they dragged about the
place over his body. Aponius, one of those who had been concerned in
accusations, they knocked to the ground, and drove carts loaded with
stones over him. And many others they tore in pieces, some of them
no way guilty, insomuch that Mauriscus, a person of great account
and character, told the senate that he feared, in a short time, they
might wish for Nero again.
  Nymphidius, now advancing towards the consummation of his hopes, did
not refuse to let it be said that he was the son of Caius Caesar,
Tiberius's successor; who, it is told, was well acquainted with his
mother in his early youth, a woman indeed handsome enough, the
offspring of Callistus, one of Caesar's freedmen, and a certain
sempstress. But it is plain that Caius's familiarity with his mother
was of too late date to give him any pretensions, and it was suspected
he might, if he pleased, claim a father in Martianus, the gladiator,
whom his mother, Nymphidia, took a passion for, being a famous man
in his way, whom also he much more resembled. However, though he
certainly owned Nymphidia for his mother, he ascribed meantime the
downfall of Nero to himself alone, and thought he was not sufficiently
rewarded with the honours and riches he enjoyed (nay, though to all
was added the company of Sporus, whom he immediately sent for while
Nero's body was yet burning on the pile, and treated as his consort
with the name of Poppaea), but he must also aspire to the empire.
And at Rome he had friends who took measures for him secretly, as well
as some women and some members of the senate also, who worked
underhand to assist him. And into Spain he despatched one of his
friends, named Gellianus, to view the posture of affairs.
  But all things succeeded well with Galba after Nero's death; only
Virginius Rufus, still standing doubtful, gave him some anxiety,
lest he should listen to the suggestions of some who encouraged him to
take the government upon him, having, at present, besides the
command of a large and warlike army, the new honours of the defeat
of Vindex and the subjugation of one considerable part of the Roman
empire, namely, the entire Gaul, which had seemed shaking about upon
the verge of open revolt. Nor had any man indeed a greater name and
reputation than Virginius, who had taken a part of so much consequence
in the deliverance of the empire at once from a cruel tyranny and a
Gallic war. But he, standing to his first resolves, reserved to the
senate the power of electing an emperor. Yet when it was now
manifest that Nero was dead, the soldiers pressed him hard to it,
and one of the tribunes, entering his tent with his drawn sword,
bade him either take the government or that. But after Fabius
Valens, having the command of one legion, had first sworn fealty to
Galba, and letters from Rome came with tidings of the resolves of
the senate, at last with much ado he persuaded the army to declare
Galba emperor. And when Flaccus Hordeonius came by Galba's
commission as Galba successor, he handed over to him his forces, and
went himself to meet Galba on his way, and having met him turned
back to attend him; in all which no apparent displeasure nor yet
honour was shown him. Galba's feelings of respect for him prevented
the former; the latter was checked by the envy of his friends, and
particularly of Titus Vinius, who, acting in the desire of hindering
Virginius's promotion, unwittingly aided his happy genius in
rescuing him from those hazards and hardships which other commanders
were involved in, and securing him the safe enjoyment of a quiet
life and peaceable old age.
  Near Narbo, a city in Gaul, the deputation of the senate met
Galba, and after they had delivered their compliments, begged him to
make what haste he could to appear to the people that impatiently
expected him. He discoursed with them courteously and unassumingly,
and in his entertainment, though Nymphidius had sent him royal
furniture and attendance of Nero's, he put all aside, and made use
of nothing but his own, for which he was well spoken of, as one who
had a great mind, and was superior to little vanities. But in a
short time, Vinius, by declaring to him that these noble, unpompous,
citizen-like ways were a mere affectation of popularity and a petty
bashfulness at assuming his proper greatness, induced him to make
use of Nero's supplies, and in his entertainments not to be afraid
of a regal sumptuosity. And in more than one way the old man let it
gradually appear that he had put himself under Vinius's disposal.
  Vinius was a person of an excessive covetousness, and not quite free
from blame in respect to women. For being a young man, newly entered
into the service under Calvisius Sabinus, upon his first campaign,
he brought his commander's wife, a licentious woman, in a soldier's
dress, by night into the camp, and was found with her in the very
general's quarters, the principia, as the Romans call them. For
which insolence Caius Caesar cast him into prison, from whence he
was fortunately delivered by Caius's death. Afterwards, being
invited by Claudius Caesar to supper, he privily conveyed away a
silver cup, which Caesar hearing of, invited him again the next day,
and gave order to his servants to set before him no silver plate,
but only earthenware. And this offence, through the comic mildness
of Caesar's reprimand, was treated rather as a subject of jest than as
a crime. But the acts to which now, when Galba was in his hands and
his power was so extensive, his covetous temper led him were the
causes, in part, and in part the provocation, of tragical and fatal
mischiefs.
  Nymphidius became very uneasy upon the return out of Spain of
Gellianus whom he had sent to pry into Galba's actions,
understanding that Cornelius Laco was appointed commander of the court
guards, and that Vinius was the great favourite, and that Gellianus
had not been able so much as to come nigh, much less have any
opportunity to offer any words in private, so narrowly had he been
watched and observed. Nymphidius, therefore, called together the
officers of the troops, and declared to them that Galba of himself was
a good, well-meaning old man, but did not act by his own counsel,
and was ill-guided by Vinius and Laco; and lest, before they were
aware, they should engross the authority Tigellinus had with the
troops, he proposed to them to send deputies from the camp acquainting
him that if he pleased to remove only these two from his counsel and
presence, he would be much more welcome to all at his arrival.
Wherein, when he saw he did not prevail (it seeming absurd and
unmannerly to give rules to an old commander what friends to retain or
displace, as if he had been a youth newly taking the reins of
authority into his hands), adopting another course, he wrote himself
to Galba letters in alarming terms, one while as if the city were
unsettled, and had not yet recovered its tranquillity; then that
Clodius Macer withheld the corn-ships from Africa; that the legions in
Germany began to be mutinous, and that he heard the like of those in
Syria and Judaea. But Galba not minding him much or giving credit to
his stories, he resolved to make his attempt beforehand, though
Clodius Celsus, a native of Antioch, a person of sense, and friendly
and faithful to Nymphidius, told him he was wrong, saying he did not
believe one single street in Rome would ever give him the title of
Caesar. Nevertheless many also derided Galba, amongst the rest
Mithridates of Pontus, saying, that as soon as this wrinkled,
baldheaded man should be seen publicly at Rome, they would think it an
utter disgrace even to have had such a Caesar.
  At last it was resolved, about midnight, to bring Nymphidius into
the camp, and declare him emperor. But Antonius Honoratus, who was
first among the tribunes, summoning together in the evening those
under his command, charged himself and them severely with their many
and unreasonable turns and alterations, made without any purpose or
regard to merit, simply as if some evil genius hurried them from one
reason to another. "What though Nero's miscarriages," said he, "gave
some colour to your former acts, can you say you have any plea for
betraying Galba in the death of a mother, the blood of a wife, or
the degradation of the imperial power upon the stage and amongst
players? Neither did we desert Nero for all this, until Nymphidius had
persuaded us that he had first left us and fled into Egypt. Shall
we, therefore, send Galba after, to appease Nero's shade, and, for the
sake of making the son of Nymphidia emperor, take off one of Livia's
family, as we have already the son of Agrippina? Rather, doing justice
on him, let us revenge Nero's death, and show ourselves true and
faithful by preserving Galba."
  The tribune having ended his harangue, the soldiers assented, and
encouraged all they met with to persist in their fidelity to the
emperor, and, indeed, brought over the greatest part. But presently
hearing a great shout, Nymphidius, imagining, as some say, that the
soldiers called for him, or hastening to be in time to check any
opposition and gain the doubtful, came on with many lights, carrying
in his hand a speech in writing, made by Cingonius Varro, which he had
got by heart, to deliver to the soldiers. But seeing the gates of
the camp shut up, and large numbers standing armed about the walls, he
began to be afraid. Yet drawing nearer he demanded what they meant,
and by whose orders they were then in arms; but hearing a general
acclamation, all with one consent crying out that Galba was their
emperor, advancing towards them, he joined in the cry, and likewise
commanded those that followed him to do the same. The guard
notwithstanding permitted him to enter the camp only with a few, where
he was presently struck with a dart, which Septimius, being before
him, received on his shield; others, however, assaulted him with their
naked swords, and on his flying, pursued him into a soldier's cabin,
where they slew him. And dragging his body thence, they placed a
railing about it, and exposed it next day to public view. When Galba
heard of the end which Nymphidius had thus come to, he commanded
that all his confederates who had not at once killed themselves should
immediately be despatched; amongst whom were Cingonius, who made his
oration, and Mithridates, formerly mentioned. It was, however,
regarded as arbitrary and illegal, and though it might be just, yet by
no means popular, to take off men of their rank and equality without a
hearing. For every one expected another scheme of government, being
deceived, as is usual, by the first plausible pretences; and the death
of Petronius Turpilianus, who was of consular dignity, and had
remained faithful to Nero, was yet more keenly resented. Indeed, the
taking off of Macer in Africa by Trebonius, and Fonteius by Valens
in Germany, had a fair pretence, they being dreaded as armed
commanders, having their soldiers at their bidding; but why refuse
Turpilianus, an old man and unarmed, permission to try to clear
himself, if any part of the moderation and equity at first promised
were really to come to a performance? Such were the comments to
which these actions exposed him. When he came within five-and-twenty
furlongs or thereabouts of the city, he happened to light on a
disorderly rabble of the seamen, who beset him as he passed. These
were they whom Nero made soldiers, forming them into a legion. They so
rudely crowded to have their commission confirmed that they did not
let Galba either be seen or heard by those that had come out to meet
their new emperor; but tumultuously pressed on with loud shouts to
have colours to their legion, and quarters assigned them. Galba put
them off until another time, which they interpreted as a denial,
grew more insolent and mutinous, following and crying out, some with
their drawn swords in their hands. Upon seeing which, Galba
commanded the horse to ride over them, when they were soon routed, not
a man standing his ground, and many of them were slain, both there and
in the pursuit; an ill-omen, that Galba should make his first entry
through so much blood and among dead bodies. And now he was looked
upon with terror and alarm by any one who had entertained contempt
of him at the sight of his age and apparent infirmities.
  But when he desired presently to let it appear what a change would
be made from Nero's profuseness and sumptuosity in giving presents, he
much missed his aim, and fell so short of magnificence, that he
scarcely came within the limits of decency. When Canus, who was a
famous musician, played at supper for him, he expressed his
approbation, and bade the bag he brought to him; and taking a few gold
pieces, put them in with this remark, that it was out of his own
purse, and not on the public account. He ordered the largess which
Nero had made to actors and wrestlers and such like to be strictly
required again, allowing only the tenth part to be retained; though it
turned to very small account, most of those persons expending their
daily income as fast as they received it, being rude, improvident
livers; upon which he had further inquiry made as to those who had
bought or received from them, and called upon these people to
refund. The trouble was infinite, the exactions being prosecuted
far, touching a great number of persons, bringing disrepute on
Galba, and general hatred on Vinius, who made the emperor appear
base-hearted and mean to the world, whilst he himself was spending
profusely, taking whatever he could get, and selling to any buyer.
Hesiod tells us to drink without stinting of-

         "The end and the beginning of the cask."

And Vinius, seeing his patron old and decaying, made the most of
what he considered to be at once the first of his fortune and the last
of it.
  Thus the aged man suffered in two ways, first, through the evil
deeds which Vinius did himself, and, next, by his preventing or
bringing into disgrace those just acts which he himself designed. Such
was the punishing Nero's adherents. When he destroyed the bad, amongst
whom were Helius, Polycletus, Petinus, and Patrobius, the people
mightily applauded the act, crying out, as they were dragged through
the forum, that it was a goodly sight, grateful to the gods
themselves, adding, however, that the gods and men alike demanded
justice on Tigellinus, the very tutor and prompter of all the tyranny.
This good man, however, had taken his measures beforehand, in the
shape of a present and a promise to Vinius. Turpilianus could not be
allowed to escape with life, though his one and only crime had been
that he had not betrayed or shown hatred to such a ruler as Nero.
But he who had made Nero what he became, and afterwards deserted and
betrayed him whom he had so corrupted, was allowed to survive as an
instance that Vinius could do anything, and an advertisement that
those that had money to give him need despair of nothing. The
people, however, were so possessed with the desire of seeing
Tigellinus dragged to execution, that they never ceased to require
it at the theatre, and in the race-course, till they were checked by
an edict from the emperor himself, announcing that Tigellinus could
not live long, being wasted with a consumption, and requesting them
not to seek to make his government appear cruel and tyrannical. So the
dissatisfied populace were laughed at, and Tigellinus made a
splendid feast, and sacrificed in thanksgiving for his deliverance;
and after supper, Vinius, rising from the emperor's table, went to
revel with Tigellinus, taking his daughter, a widow, with him; to whom
Tigellinus presented his compliments, with a gift of twenty-five
myriads of money, and bade the superintendent of his concubines take
off a rich necklace from her own neck and tie it about hers, the value
of it being estimated at fifteen myriads.
  After this, even reasonable acts were censured; as, for example, the
treatment of the Gauls who had been in the conspiracy with Vindex. For
people looked upon their abatement of tribute and admission to
citizenship as a piece, not of clemency on the part of Galba, but of
money-making on that of Vinius. And thus the mass of the people
began to look with dislike upon the government. The soldiers were kept
on a while in expectation of the promised donative, supposing that
if they did not receive the full, yet they should have at least as
much as Nero gave them. But when Galba, on hearing they began to
complain, declared greatly, and like a general, that he was used to
enlist and not to buy his soldiers, when they heard of this, they
conceived an implacable hatred against him; for he did not seem to
defraud them merely himself in their present expectations, but to give
an ill precedent, and instruct his successors to do the like. This
heart-burning, however, was as yet at Rome a thing undeclared, and a
certain respect for Galba's personal presence somewhat retarded
their motions, and took off their edge, and their having no obvious
occasion for beginning a revolution curbed and kept under, more or
less, their resentments. But those forces that had been formerly under
Virginius, and now were under Flaccus in Germany, valuing themselves
much upon the battle they had fought with Vindex, and finding now no
advantage of it, grew very refractory and intractable towards their
officers; and Flaccus they wholly disregarded, being incapacitated
in body by unintermitted gout, and, besides, a man of little
experience in affairs. So at one of their festivals, when it was
customary for the officers of the army to wish all health and
happiness to the emperor, the common soldiers began to murmur
loudly, and on their officers persisting in the ceremony, responded
with the words, "If he deserves it."
  When some similar insolence was committed by the legions under
Vitellius, frequent letters with the information came to Galba from
his agents; and taking alarm at this, and fearing that he might be
despised not only for his old age, but also for want of issue, he
determined to adopt some young man of distinction, and declare him his
successor. There was at this time in the city Marcus Otho, a person of
fair extraction, but from his childhood one of the few most debauched,
voluptuous, and luxurious livers in Rome. And as Homer gives Paris
in several places the title of "fair Helen's love," making a woman's
name the glory and addition to his, as if he had nothing else to
distinguish him, so Otho was renowned in Rome for nothing more than
his marriage with Poppaea, whom Nero had a passion for when she was
Crispinus's wife. But being as yet respectful to his own wife, and
standing in awe of his mother, he engaged Otho underhand to solicit
her. For Nero lived familiarly with Otho, whose prodigality won his
favour, and he was well pleased when he took the freedom to jest
upon him as mean and penurious. Thus when Nero one day perfumed
himself with some rich essence and favoured Otho with a sprinkle of
it, he, entertaining Nero next day, ordered gold and silver pipes to
disperse the like on a sudden freely, like water, throughout the room.
As to Poppaea, he was beforehand with Nero, and first seducing her
himself, then, with the hope of Nero's favour, he prevailed with her
to part with her husband, and brought her to his own house as his
wife, and was not content afterwards to have a share in her, but
grudged to have Nero for a claimant, Poppaea herself, they say,
being rather pleased than otherwise with this jealousy; she
sometimes excluded Nero, even when Otho was not present, either to
prevent his getting tired with her, or, as some say, not liking the
prospect of an imperial marriage, though willing enough to have the
emperor as her lover. So that Otho ran the risk of his life, and
strange it was he escaped, when Nero, for this very marriage, killed
his wife and sister. But he was beholden to Seneca's friendship, by
whose persuasions and entreaty Nero was prevailed with to despatch him
as praetor into Lusitania, on the shores of the Ocean; where he
behaved himself very agreeably and indulgently to those he had to
govern, well knowing this command was but to colour and disguise his
banishment.
  When Galba revolted from Nero, Otho was the first governor of any of
the provinces that came over to him, bringing all the gold and
silver he possessed in the shape of cups and tables, to be coined into
money, and also what servants he had fitly qualified to wait upon a
prince. In all other points, too, he was faithful to him, and gave him
sufficient proof that he was inferior to none in managing public
business. And he so far ingratiated himself, that he rode in the
same carriage with him during the whole journey, several days
together. And in this journey and familiar companionship he won over
Vinius also, both by his conversation and presents, but especially
by conceding to him the first place securing the second, by his
interest, for himself. And he had the advantage of him in avoiding all
odium and jealousy, assisting all petitioners, without asking for
any reward, and appearing courteous and of easy access towards all
especially to the military men, for many of whom he obtained commands,
some immediately from the emperor, others by Vinius's means, and by
the assistance of the two favourite freedmen, Icelus and Asiaticus,
these being the men in chief power in the court. As often as he
entertained Galba, he gave the cohort on duty, in addition to their
pay, a piece of gold for every man there, upon pretence of respect
to the emperor, while really he undermined him, and stole away his
popularity with the soldiers.
  So Galba consulting about a successor, Vinius introduced Otho, yet
not even this gratis, but upon promise that he would marry his
daughter if Galba should make him his adopted son and successor to the
empire. But Galba, in all his actions, showed clearly that he
preferred the public good before his own private interest, not
aiming so much to pleasure himself as to advantage the Romans by his
selection. Indeed he does not seem to have been so much as inclined to
make choice of Otho had it been but to inherit his own private
fortune, knowing his extravagant and luxurious character, and that
he was already plunged in debt five thousand myriads deep. So he
listened to Vinius, and made no reply, but mildly suspended his
determination. Only he appointed himself consul, and Vinius his
colleague, and it was the general expectation that he would declare
his successor at the beginning of the new year. And the soldiers
desired nothing more than that Otho should be the person.
  But the forces in Germany broke out into their mutiny whilst he
was yet deliberating, and anticipated his design. All the soldiers
in general felt much resentment against Galba for not having given
them their expected largess, but these troops made a pretence of a
more particular concern, that Virginius Rufus was cast off
dishonourably, and that the bad who had fought with them were well
rewarded, while those who had refused to take part with Vindex were
punished; and Galba's thanks seemed all to be for him, to whose memory
he had done honour after his death with public solemnities as though
he had been made emperor by his means only. Whilst these discourses
passed openly throughout the army, on the first day of the first month
of the year, the Calends, as they call it, of January, Flaccus
summoning them to take the usual anniversary oath of fealty to the
emperor, they overturned and pulled down Galba's statues, and having
sworn in the name of the senate and people of Rome, departed. But
the officers now feared anarchy and confusion, as much as rebellion;
and one of them came forward and said: "What will become of us, my
fellow-soldiers, if we neither set up another general, nor retain
the present one? This will be not so much to desert from Galba as to
decline all subjection and command. It is useless to try and
maintain Flaccus Hordeonius, who is but a mere shadow and image of
Galba. But Vitellius, commander of the other Germany, is but one day's
march distant, whose father was censor and thrice consul, and in a
manner co-emperor with Claudius Caesar; and he himself has the best
proof to show of his bounty and largeness of mind, in the poverty with
which some reproach him. Him let us make choice of, that all may see
we know how to choose an emperor better than either Spaniards or
Lusitanians." Which motion whilst some assented to, and others
gainsaid, a certain standard-bearer slipped out and carried the news
to Vitellius, who was entertaining much company by night. This
taking air, soon passed through the troops, and Fabius Valens, who
commanded one legion, riding up next day with a large body of horse,
saluted Vitellius emperor. He had hitherto seemed to decline it,
professing a dread he had to undertake the weight of the government;
but on this day, being fortified, they say, by wine and a plentiful
noon-day repast, he began to yield, and submitted to take on him the
title of Germanicus they gave him, but desired to be excused as to
that of Caesar. And immediately the army under Flaccus also, putting
away their fine and popular oaths in the name of the senate, swore
obedience to Vitellius as emperor, to observe whatever he commanded.
  Thus Vitellius was publicly proclaimed emperor in Germany; which
news coming to Galba's ear, he no longer deferred his adoption; yet
knowing that some of his friends were using their interest for
Dolabella, and the greatest number of them for Otho, neither of whom
he approved of, on a sudden, without any one's privity, he sent for
Piso, the son of Crassus and Scribonia, whom Nero slew, a young man in
general of excellent disposition for virtue, but his most eminent
qualities those of steadiness and austere gravity. And so he set out
to go to the camp to declare him Caesar and successor to the empire.
But at his very first going forth many signs appeared in the
heavens, and when he began to make a speech to the soldiers, partly
extempore, and partly reading it, the frequent claps of thunder and
flashes of lightning, and the violent storm of rain that burst on both
the camp and the city, were plain discoveries that the divine powers
did not look with favour or satisfaction on this act of adoption
that would come to no good result. The soldiers, also, showed symptoms
of hidden discontent, and wore sullen looks, no distribution of
money being even now made to them. However, those that were present
and observed Piso's countenance and voice could not but feel
admiration to see him so little overcome by so great a favour, of
the magnitude of which at the same time he seemed not at all
insensible. Otho's aspect, on the other hand, did not fail to let many
marks appear of his bitterness and anger at his disappointment;
since to have been the first man thought of for it, and to have come
to the very point of being chosen, and now to be put by, was in his
feelings a sign of the displeasure and ill-will of Galba towards
him. This filled him with fears and apprehensions, and sent him home
with a mind full of various passions, whilst he dreaded Piso, hated
Galba, and was full of wrath and indignation against Vinius. And the
Chaldeans and soothsayers about him would not permit him to lay
aside his hopes or quit his design, chiefly Ptolemaeus, insisting much
on a prediction he had made, that Nero should not murder Otho, but
he himself should die first, and Otho succeed as emperor; for the
first proving true, he thought he could not distrust the rest. But
none perhaps stimulated him more than those that professed privately
to pity his hard fate and compassionate him for being thus
ungratefully dealt with by Galba; especially Nymphidius's and
Tigellinus's creatures, who, being now cast off and reduced to low
estate, were eager to put themselves upon him, exclaiming at the
indignity he had suffered, and provoking him to revenge himself.
  Amongst these were Viturius and Barbius, the one an optio, the other
a tesserarius (these are men who have the duties of messengers and
scouts), with whom Onomastus, one of Otho's freedmen, went to the
camp, to tamper with the army, and brought over some with money,
others with fair promises, which was no hard matter, they being
already corrupted, and only wanting a fair pretence. It had been
otherwise more than the work of four days (which elapsed between the
adoption and murder), so completely to infect them as to cause a
general revolt. On the sixth day ensuing, the eighteenth, as the
Romans call it, before the Calends of February, the murder was done.
On that day, in the morning, Galba sacrificed in the Palatium in the
presence of his friends, when Umbricius, the priest, taking up the
entrails, and speaking not ambiguously, but in plain words, said
that there were signs of great troubles ensuing, and dangerous
snares laid for the life of the emperor. Thus Otho had even been
discovered by the finger of the god; being there just behind Galba,
bearing all that was said, and seeing what was pointed out to them
by Umbricius. His countenance changed to every colour in his fear, and
he was betraying no small discomposure, when Onomastus, his
freedman, came up and acquainted him that the master builders had
come, and were waiting for him at home. Now that was the signal for
Otho to meet the soldiers. Pretending then that he had purchased an
old house, and was going to show the defects to those that had sold it
to him, he departed; and passing through what is called Tiberius's
house, he went on into the forum, near the spot where a golden
pillar stands, at which all the several roads through Italy terminate.
  Here, it is related, no more than twenty-three received and
saluted him emperor; so that, although he was not in mind as in body
enervated with soft living and effeminacy, being in his nature bold
and fearless enough in danger, nevertheless, he was afraid to go on.
But the soldiers that were present would not suffer him to recede, but
came with their swords drawn around his chair, commanding the
bearers to take him up, whom he hastened on, saying several times over
to himself, "I am a lost man." Several persons overheard the words,
who stood by wondering, rather than alarmed, because of the small
number that attempted such an enterprise. But as they marched on
through the forum, about as many more met him, and here and there
three or four at a time joined in. Thus returning towards the camp,
with their bare swords in their hands, they saluted him as Caesar;
whereupon Martialis, the tribune in charge of the watch, who was, they
say, noways privy to it, but was simply surprised at the
unexpectedness of the thing, and afraid to refuse, permitted him
entrance. And after this, no man made any resistance; for they that
knew nothing of the design, being purposely encompassed by the
conspirators, as they were straggling here and there, first
submitted for fear, and afterwards were persuaded into compliance.
Tidings came immediately to Galba in the Palatium, whilst the
priests were still present and the sacrifices at hand, so that persons
who were most entirely incredulous about such things, and most
positive in their neglect of them, were astonished, and began to
marvel at the divine event. A multitude of all sorts of people now
began to run together out of the forum; Vinius and Laco and some of
Galba's freedmen drew their swords and placed themselves beside him;
Piso went forth and addressed himself to the guards on duty in the
court; and Marius Celsus, a brave man, was despatched to the
Illyrian legion, stationed in what is called the Vipsanian chamber, to
secure them.
  Galba now consulting whether he should go out, Vinius dissuaded him,
but Celsus and Laco encouraged him by all means to do so, and
sharply reprimanded Vinius. But on a sudden a rumour came hot that
Otho was slain in the camp; and presently appeared one Julius Atticus,
a man of some distinction in the guards, running up with his drawn
sword, crying out that he had slain Caesar's enemy; and pressing
through the crowd that stood in his way, he presented himself before
Galba with his bloody weapon, who, looking on him, demanded, "Who gave
you your orders?" And on his answering that it had been his duty and
the obligation of the oath he had taken the people applauded, giving
loud acclamations, and Galba got into his chair and was carried out to
sacrifice to Jupiter, and so to show himself publicly. But coming into
the forum, there met him there, like a turn of wind, the opposite
story, that Otho had made himself master of the camp. And as usual
in a crowd of such a size, some called to him to return back, others
to move forwards; some encouraged him to be bold and fear nothing,
others bade him to be cautious and distrust. And thus whilst his chair
was tossed to and fro, as it were on the waves, often tottering, there
appeared first horse, and straightway heavy-armed foot coming
through Paulus's court, and all with one accord crying out, "Down with
this private man." Upon this, the crowd of people set off running, not
to fly and disperse, but to possess themselves of the colonnades and
elevated places of the forum, as it might be to get places to see a
spectacle. And as soon as Atillius Vergilio knocked down one of
Galba's statues, this was taken as the declaration of war, and they
sent a discharge of darts upon Galba's litter, and missing their
aim, came up and attacked him nearer hand with their naked swords.
No man resisted or offered to stand up in his defence, save one
only, a centurion, Sempronius Densus, the single man among so many
thousands that the sun beheld that day act worthily of the Roman
empire, who, though he had never received any favour from Galba, yet
out of bravery and allegiance endeavoured to defend the litter. First,
lifting up his switch of vine, with which the centurions correct the
soldiers when disorderly, he called aloud to the aggressors,
charging them not to touch their emperor. And when they came upon
him hand-to-hand, he drew his sword, and made a defence for a long
time, until at last he was cut under the knees and brought to the
ground.
  Galba's chair was upset at the spot called the Lacus Curtius,
where they ran up and struck at him as he lay in his corselet. He,
however, offered his throat, bidding them "Strike, if it be for the
Romans' good." He received several wounds on his legs and arms, and at
last was struck in the throat, as most say, by one Camurius, a soldier
of the fifteenth legion. Some name Terentius, others Lecanius; and
there are others that say it was Fabius Fabulus, who it is reported
cut off the head and carried it away in the skirt of his coat, the
baldness making it a difficult thing to take hold of. But those that
were with him would not allow him to keep it covered up, but bade
him let every one see the brave deed he had done; so that after a
while he stuck upon the lance the head of the aged man that had been
their grave and temperate ruler, their supreme priest and consul, and,
tossing it up in the air, ran like a bacchanal, twirling and
flourishing with it, while the blood ran down the spear. But when they
brought the head to Otho, "Fellow-soldiers," he cried out, "this is
nothing, unless you show me Piso's too," which was presented him not
long after. The young man, retreating upon a wound received, was
pursued by one Murcus, and slain at the temple of Vesta. Titus
Vinius was also despatched, avowing himself to have been privy to
the conspiracy against Galba by calling out that they were killing him
contrary to Otho's pleasure. However, they cut off his head, and
Laco's too, and brought them to Otho, requesting a boon.
  And as Archilochus says-

         "When six or seven lie breathless on the ground,
         'Twas I, 'twas I, say thousands, gave the wound."

Thus many that had no share in the murder wetted their hands and
swords in blood, and came and showed them to Otho, presenting
memorials suing for a gratuity. Not less than one hundred and twenty
were identified afterwards from their written petitions; all of whom
Vitellius sought out and put to death. There came also into the camp
Marius Celsus, and was accused by many voices of encouraging the
soldiers to assist Galba, and was demanded to death by the
multitude. Otho had no desire for this, yet, fearing an absolute
denial, he professed that he did not wish to take him off so soon,
having many matters yet to learn from him; and so committed him safe
to the custody of those he most confided in.
  Forthwith a senate was convened, and as if they were not the same
men, or had other gods to swear by, they took that oath in Otho's name
which he himself had taken in Galba's and had broken; and withal
conferred on him the titles of Caesar and Augustus; whilst the dead
carcasses of the slain lay yet in their consular robes in the
market-place. As for their heads, when they could make no other use of
them, Vinius's they sold to his daughter for two thousand five hundred
drachmas; Piso's was begged by his wife, Verania; Galba's they gave to
Patrobius's servants; who when they had it, after all sorts of abuse
and indignities, tumbled it into the place where those that suffer
death by the emperor's orders are usually cast, called Sessorium.
Galba's body was conveyed away by Priscus Helvidius by Otho's
permission, and buried in the night by Argius, his freedman.
  Thus you have the history of Galba, a person inferior to few Romans,
either for birth or riches, rather exceeding all of his time in both,
having lived in great honour and reputation in the reigns of five
emperors, insomuch that he overthrew Nero rather by his fame and
repute in the world than by actual force and power. Of all the others
that joined in Nero's deposition, some were by general consent
regarded as unworthy, others had only themselves to vote them
deserving of the empire. To him the title was offered, and by him it
was accepted; and simply lending his name to Vindex's attempt, he
gave to what had been called rebellion before, the name of a civil
war, by the presence of one that was accounted fit to govern. And
therefore, as he considered that he had not so much sought the
position as the position had sought him, he proposed to command those
whom Nymphidius and Tigellinus had wheedled into obedience no
otherwise than Scipio formerly and Fabricius and Camillus had
commanded the Romans of their times. But being now overcome with age,
he was indeed among the troops and legions an upright ruler upon the
antique model; but for the rest, giving himself up to Vinius, Laco,
and his freedmen, who make their gain of all things, no otherwise than
Nero had done to his insatiate favourites, he left none behind him
to wish him still in power, though many to compassionate his death.
                             THE END
