                                      75 AD
                                 CAIUS GRACCHUS
                                  153-121 B.C.
                                  by Plutarch
                           translated by John Dryden

  CAIUS Gracchus at first, either for fear of his brother's enemies,
or designing to render them more odious to the people, absented
himself from the public assemblies, and lived quietly in his own
house, as if he were not only reduced for the present to live
unambitiously, but was disposed in general to pass his life in
inaction. And some indeed, went so far as to say that he disliked
his brother's measures, and had wholly abandoned the defence of
them. However, he was not but very young, being not so old as Tiberius
by nine years; and he was not yet thirty when he was slain.
  In some little time, however, he quietly let his temper appear,
which was one of an utter antipathy to a lazy retirement and
effeminacy, and not the least likely to be contented with a life of
eating, drinking, and money-getting. He gave great pains to the
study of eloquence, as wings upon which he might aspire to public
business; and it was very apparent that he did not intend to pass
his days in obscurity. When Vettius, a friend of his, was on his
trial, he defended his cause, and the people were in an ecstasy, and
transported with joy, finding him master of such eloquence that the
other orators seemed like children in comparison, and jealousies and
fears on the other hand began to be felt by the powerful citizens; and
it was generally spoken of amongst them that they must hinder Caius
from being made tribune.
  But soon after, it happened that he was elected quaestor, and
obliged to attend Orestes, the consul, into Sardinia. This, as it
pleased his enemies, so it was not ungrateful to him, being
naturally of a warlike character, and as well trained in the art of
war as in that of pleading. And, besides, as yet he very much
dreaded meddling with state affairs, and appearing publicly in the
rostra, which, because of the importunity of the people and his
friends, he could not otherwise avoid than by taking this journey.
He was therefore most thankful for the opportunity of absenting
himself. Notwithstanding which, it is the prevailing opinion that
Caius was a far more thorough demagogue, and more ambitious than
ever Tiberius had been, of popular applause; yet it is certain that he
was borne rather by a sort of necessity than by any purpose of his own
into public business. And Cicero, the orator, relates, that when he
declined all such concerns, and would have lived privately, his
brother appeared to him in a dream, and calling him by his name, said,
"Why do you tarry, Caius? There is no escape; one life and one death
is appointed for us both, to spend the one and to meet the other in
the service of the people."
  Caius was no sooner arrived in Sardinia, but he gave exemplary
proofs of his hight merit; he not only excelled all the young men of
his age in his actions against his enemies, in doing justice to his
inferiors, and in showing all obedience and respect to his superior
officer; but likewise in temperance, frugality, and industry, he
surpassed even those who were much older than himself. It happened
to be a sharp and sickly winter in Sardinia, insomuch that the general
was forced to lay an imposition upon several towns to supply the
soldiers with necessary clothes. The cities sent to Rome,
petitioning to be excused from that burden; the senate found their
request reasonable, and ordered the general to find some other way
of new clothing the army. While he was at a loss what course to take
in this affair, the soldiers were reduced to great distress; but Caius
went from one city to another, and by his mere representations he
prevailed with them, that of their own accord they clothed the Roman
army. This again being reported to Rome, and seeming to be only an
intimation of what was to be expected of him as a popular leader
hereafter, raised new jealousies amongst the senators. And, besides,
there came ambassadors out of Africa from King Micipsa to acquaint the
senate that their master, out of respect to Caius Gracchus, had sent a
considerable quantity of corn to the general in Sardinia; at which the
senators were so much offended that they turned the ambassadors out of
the senate-house and made an order that the soldiers should be
relieved by sending others in their room; but that Orestes should
continue at his post, with whom Caius, also, as they presumed, being
his quaestor, would remain. But he, finding how things were carried,
immediately in anger took ship for Rome, where his unexpected
appearance obtained him the censure not only of his enemies, but
also of the people; who thought it strange that a quaestor should
leave before his commander. Nevertheless, when some accusation upon
this ground was made against him to the censors, he desired leave to
defend himself, and did it so effectually, that, when he ended, he was
regarded as one who had been very much injured. He made it then appear
that he had served twelve years in the army whereas others are obliged
to serve only ten; that he had continued quaestor to the general three
years, whereas he might by law have returned at the end of one year;
and alone of all who went on the expedition, he had carried out a full
and had brought home an empty purse, while others, after drinking up
the wine they had carried out with them, brought back the wine-jars
filled again with gold and silver from the war.
  After this they brought other accusations and writs against him, for
exciting insurrection amongst the allies, and being engaged in the
conspiracy that was discovered about Fregellae. But having cleared
himself of every suspicion, and proved his entire innocence, he now at
once came forward to ask for the tribuneship; in which, though he
was universally opposed by all persons of distinction, yet there
came such infinite numbers of people from all parts of Italy to vote
for Caius, that lodgings for them could not be supplied in the city;
and the Field being not large enough to contain the assembly, there
were numbers who climbed upon the roofs and the tilings of the
houses to use their voices in his favour. However, the nobility so far
forced the people to their pleasure and disappointed Caius's hope,
that he was not returned the first, as was expected, but the fourth
tribune. But when he came to the execution of his office, it was
seen presently who was really first tribune, as he was a better orator
than any of his contemporaries, and the passion with which he still
lamented his brother's death made him the bolder in speaking. He
used on all occasions to remind the people of what had happened in
that tumult, and laid before them the examples of their ancestors, how
they declared war against the Faliscans, only for giving scurrilous
language to one Genucius, a tribune of the people; and sentenced Caius
Veturius to death, for refusing to give way in the forum to a tribune;
"Whereas," said he, "these men did, in the presence of you all, murder
Tiberius with clubs, and dragged the slaughtered body through the
middle of the city, to be cast into the river. Even his friends, as
many as could be taken, were put to death immediately, without any
trial, notwithstanding that just and ancient custom, which has
always been observed in our city, that whenever any one is accused
of a capital crime, and does not make his personal appearance in
court, a trumpeter is sent in the morning to his lodging, to summon
him by sound of trumpet to appear; and before this ceremony is
performed, the judges do not proceed to the vote; so cautious and
reserved were our ancestors about business of life and death."
  Having moved the people's passion with such addresses (and his voice
was of the loudest and strongest), he proposed two laws. The first
was, that whoever was turned out of any public office by the people,
should be thereby rendered incapable of bearing any office afterwards;
the second, that if any magistrate condemn a Roman to be banished
without a legal trial, the people be authorized to take cognizance
thereof.
  One of these laws was manifestly levelled at Marcus Octavius, who,
at the instigation of Tiberius, had been deprived of his
tribuneship. The other touched Popilius, who, in his praetorship,
had banished all Tiberius's friends; whereupon Popilius, being
unwilling to stand the hazard of a trial, fled out of Italy. As for
the former law, it was withdrawn by Caius himself, who said he yielded
in the case of Octavius, at the request of his mother Cornelia. This
was very acceptable and pleasing to the people, who had a great
veneration for Cornelia, not more for the sake of her father than
for that of her children; and they afterwards erected a statue of
brass in honour of her, with this inscription, Cornelia, the mother of
the Gracchi. There are several expressions recorded, in which he
used her name perhaps with too much rhetoric, and too little
self-respect, in his attacks upon his adversaries. "How," said he,
"dare you presume to reflect upon Cornelia, the mother of Tiberius?"
And because the person who made the reflections had been suspected
of effeminate courses, "With what face," said he, "can you compare
Cornelia with yourself? Have you brought forth children as she has
done? And yet all Rome knows that she has refrained from the
conversation of men longer than you yourself have done." Such was
the bitterness he used in his language; and numerous similar
expressions might be adduced from his written remains.
  Of the laws which he now proposed, with the object of gratifying the
people and abridging the power of the senate, the first was concerning
the public lands, which were to be divided amongst the poor
citizens; another was concerning the common soldiers, that they should
be clothed at the public charge, without any diminution of their
pay, and that none should be obliged to serve in the army who was
not full seventeen years old; another gave the same right to all the
Italians in general, of voting at elections, as was enjoyed by the
citizens of Rome; a fourth related to the price of corn, which was
to be sold at a lower rate than formerly to the poor; and a fifth
regulated the courts of justice, greatly reducing the power of the
senators. For hitherto, in all causes, senators only sat as judges,
and were therefore much dreaded by the Roman knights and the people.
But Caius joined three hundred ordinary citizens of equestrian rank
with the senators, who were three hundred likewise in number, and
ordained that the judicial authority should be equally invested in the
six hundred. While he was arguing for the ratification of this law,
his behaviour was observed to show in many respects unusual
earnestness, and whereas other popular leaders had always hitherto,
when speaking, turned their faces towards the senate-house, and the
place called the comitium, he, on the contrary, was the first man that
in his harangue to the people turned himself the other way, towards
them, and continued after that time to do so. An insignificant
movement and change of posture, yet it marked no small revolution in
state affairs, the conversion, in a manner, of the whole government
from an aristocracy to a democracy, his action intimating that
public speakers should address themselves to the people, not the
senate.
  When the commonalty ratified this law, and gave him power to
select those of the knights whom he approved of, to be judges, he
was invested with a sort of a kingly power, and the senate itself
submitted to receive his advice in matters of difficulty; nor did he
advise anything that might derogate from the honour of that body.
As, for example, his resolution about the corn which Fabius the
propraetor sent from Spain, was very just and honourable; for he
persuaded the senate to sell the corn, and return the money to the
same provinces which had furnished them with it; and also that
Fabius should be censured for rendering the Roman government odious
and insupportable. This got him extraordinary respect and favour among
the provinces. Besides all this, he proposed measures for the
colonization of several cities, for making roads, and for building
public granaries; of all which works he himself undertook the
management and superintendence, and was never wanting to give
necessary orders for the despatch of all these different and great
undertakings; and that with such wonderful expedition and diligence,
as if he had been but engaged upon one of them; insomuch that all
persons, even those who hated or feared him, stood amazed to see
what a capacity he had for effecting and completing all he
undertook. As for the people themselves, they were transported at
the very sight, when they saw him surrounded with a crowd of
contractors, artificers, public deputies, military officers, soldiers,
and scholars. All these he treated with an easy familiarity, yet
without abandoning his dignity in his gentleness; and so
accommodated his nature to the wants and occasions of every one who
addressed him, that those were looked upon as no better than envious
detractors, who had represented him as a terrible, assuming, and
violent character. He was even a greater master of the popular
leader's art in his common talk and his actions, than he was in his
public addresses.
  His most especial exertions were given to constructing the roads,
which he was careful to make beautiful and pleasant, as well as
convenient. They were drawn by his directions through the fields,
exactly in a straight line, partly paved with hewn stone, and partly
laid with solid masses of gravel. When he met with any valleys or deep
watercourses crossing the line, he either caused them to be filled
up with rubbish, or bridges to be built over them, so well levelled,
that all being of an equal height on both sides, the work presented
one uniform and beautiful prospect. Besides this, he caused the
roads to be all divided into miles (each mile containing little less
than eight furlongs), and erected pillars of stone to signify the
distance from one place to another. He likewise placed other stones at
small distances from one another, on both sides of the way, by the
help of which travellers might get easily on horseback without wanting
a groom.
  For these reasons, the people highly extolled him, and were ready
upon all occasions to express their affection towards him. One day, in
an oration to them, he declared that he had only one favour to
request, which if they granted, he should think the greatest
obligation in the world; yet if it were denied, he would never blame
them for the refusal. This expression made the world believe that
his ambition was to be consul; and it was generally expected that he
wished to be both consul and tribune at the same time. When the day
for election of consuls was at hand, and all in great expectation,
he appeared in the Field with Caius Fannius, canvassing together
with his friends for his election. This was of great effect in
Fannius's favour. He was chosen consul, and Caius elected tribune
the second time, without his own seeking or petitioning for it, but at
the voluntary motion of the people. But when he understood that the
senators were his declared enemies, and that Fannius himself was
none of the most zealous of friends, he began again to rouse the
people with other new laws. He proposed that a colony of Roman
citizens might be sent to re-people Tarentum and Capua, and that the
Latins should enjoy the same privileges with the citizens fo Rome. But
the senate, apprehending that he would at last grow too powerful and
dangerous, took a new and unusual course to alienate the people's
affections from him, by playing the demagogue in opposition to him,
and offering favours contrary to all good policy. Livius Drusus was
fellow-tribune with Caius, a person of as good a family and as well
educated as any amongst the Romans, and noways inferior to those who
for their eloquence and riches were the most honoured and most
powerful men of that time. To him, therefore, the chief senators
made their application, exhorting him to attack Caius, and join in
their confederacy against him; which they designed to carry on, not by
using any force, or opposing the common people, but by gratifying
and obliging them with such unreasonable things as otherwise they
would have felt it honourable for them to incur the greatest
unpopularity in resisting.
  Livius offered to serve the senate with his authority in this
business; and proceeded accordingly to bring forward such laws as were
in reality neither honourable nor advantageous for the public; his
whole design being to outdo Caius in pleasing and cajoling the
populace (as if it had been in some comedy), with obsequious
flattery and every kind of gratifications; the senate thus letting
it be seen plainly that they were not angry with Caius's public
measures, but only desirous to ruin him utterly, or at least to lessen
his reputation. For when Caius proposed the settlement of only two
colonies, and mentioned the better class of citizens for that purpose,
they accused him of abusing the people; and yet, on the contrary, were
pleased with Drusus, when he proposed the sending out of twelve
colonies, each to consist of three thousand persons, and those, too,
the most needy that he could find. When Caius divided the public
land amongst the poor citizens, and charged them with a small rent,
annually to be paid into the exchequer, they were angry at him, as one
who sought to gratify the people only for his own interest; yet
afterwards they commended Livius, though he exempted them from
paying even that little acknowledgment. They were displeased with
Caius for offering the Latins an equal right with the Romans of voting
at the election of magistrates; but when Livius proposed that it might
not be lawful for a Roman captain to scourge a Latin soldier, they
promoted the passing of that law. And Livius, in all his speeches to
the people, always told them that he proposed no laws but such as were
agreeable to the senate, who had a particular regard to the people's
advantage. And this truly was the only point in all his proceedings
which was of any real service, as it created more kindly feelings
towards the senate in the people; and whereas they formerly
suspected and hated the principal senators, Livius appeased and
mitigated this perverseness and animosity, by his profession that he
had done nothing in favour and for the benefit of the commons
without their advice and approbation.
  But the greatest credit which Drusus got for kindness and justice
towards the people was, that he never seemed to propose any law for
his own sake, or his own advantage; he committed the charge of
seeing the colonies rightly settled to other commissioners; neither
did he ever concern himself with the distribution of the moneys;
whereas Caius always took the principal part in any important
transactions of this kind. Rubrius, another tribune of the people, had
proposed to have Carthage again inhabited, which had been demolished
by Scipio, and it fell to Caius's lot to see this performed, and for
that purpose he sailed to Africa. Drusus took this opportunity of
his absence to insinuate himself still more into the people's
affections, which he did chiefly by accusing Fulvius, who was a
particular friend to Caius, and was appointed a commissioner with
him for the division of the lands. Fulvius was a man of a turbulent
spirit; and notoriously hated by the senate; and besides, he was
suspected by others to have fomented the difference between the
citizens and their confederates, and underhand to be inciting the
Italians to rebel; though there was little other evidence of the truth
of these accusations than his being an unsettled character and of a
well-known seditious temper. This was one principal cause of Caius's
ruin; for part of the envy which fell upon Fulvius was extended to
him. And when Scipio Africanus died suddenly, and no cause of such
an unexpected death could be assigned, only some marks of blows upon
his body seemed to intimate that he had suffered violence, as is
related in the history of his life, the greatest part of the odium
attached to Fulvius, because he was his enemy, and that very day had
reflected upon Scipio in a public address to the people. Nor was Caius
himself clear from suspicion. However, this great outrage, committed
too upon the person of the greatest and most considerable man in Rome,
was never either punished or inquired into thoroughly, for the
populace opposed and hindered any judicial investigation, for fear
that Caius should be implicated in the charge if proceedings were
carried on. This, however, had happened some time before.
  But in Africa, where at present Caius was engaged in the re-peopling
of Carthage, which he named Junonia, many ominous appearances, which
presaged mischief, are reported to have been sent from the gods. For a
sudden gust of wind falling upon the first standard, and the
standard-bearer holding it fast, the staff broke; another sudden storm
blew away the sacrifices, which were laid upon the altars, and carried
them beyond the bounds laid out for the city, and the wolves came
and carried away the very marks that were set up to show the boundary.
Caius, notwithstanding all this, ordered and despatched the whole
business in the space of seventy days, and then returned to Rome,
understanding how Fulvius was prosecuted by Drusus, and that the
present juncture of affairs would not suffer him to be absent. For
Lucius Opimius, one who sided with the nobility, and was of no small
authority in the senate, who had formerly sued to be consul, but was
repulsed by Caius's interest, at the time when Fannius was elected,
was in a fair way now of being chosen consul, having a numerous
company of supporters. And it was generally believed, if he did obtain
it, that he would wholly ruin Caius, whose power was already in a
declining condition; and the people were not so apt to admire his
actions as formerly, because there were so many others who every day
contrived new ways to please them, with which the senate readily
complied.
  After his return to Rome, he quitted his house on the Palatine
Mount, and went to live near the market-place, endeavouring to make
himself more popular in those parts, where most of the humble and
poorer citizens lived. He then brought forward the remainder of his
proposed laws, as intending to have them ratified by the popular vote;
to support which a vast number of people collected from all
quarters. But the senate persuaded Fannius, the consul, to command all
persons who were not born Romans to depart the city. A new and unusual
proclamation was thereupon made, prohibiting any of the allies or
Confederates to appear at Rome during that time. Caius, on the
contrary, published an edict, accusing the consul for what he had
done, and setting forth to the Confederates, that if they would
continue upon the place, they might be assured of his assistance and
protection. However, he was not so good as his word; for though he saw
one of his own familiar friends and companions dragged to prison by
Fannius's officers, he, notwithstanding, passed by without assisting
him; either because he was afraid to stand the test of his power,
which was already decreased, or because, as he himself reported, he
was unwilling to give his enemies an opportunity, which they very much
desired, of coming to actual violence and fighting. About that time
there happened likewise a difference between him and his
fellow-officers upon this occasion. A show of gladiators was to be
exhibited before the people in the market-place, and most of the
magistrates erected scaffolds round about, with an intention of
letting them for advantage. Caius commanded them to take down their
scaffolds, that the poor people might see the sport without paying
anything. But nobody obeying these orders of his, he gathered together
a body of labourers, who worked for him, and overthrew all the
scaffolds the very night before the contest was to take place. So that
by the next morning the market-place was cleared, and the common
people had an opportunity of seeing the pastime. In this, the populace
thought he had acted the part of a man; but he much disobliged the
tribunes his colleagues, who regarded it as a piece of violent and
presumptuous interference.
  This was thought to be the chief reason that he failed of being
the third time elected tribune; not but that he had the most votes,
but because his, colleagues out of revenge caused false returns to
be made. But as to this matter there was a controversy. Certain it is,
he very much resented this repulse, and behaved with unusual arrogance
towards some of his adversaries who were joyful at his defeat, telling
them that all this was but a false sardonic mirth, as they little knew
how much his actions threw them into obscurity.
  As soon as Opimius also was chosen consul, they presently
cancelled several of Caius's laws, and especially called in question
his proceedings at Carthage, omitting nothing that was likely to
irritate him, that from some effect of his passion they might find out
a tolerable pretence to put him to death. Caius at first bore these
things very patiently; but afterwards, at the instigation of his
friends, especially Fulvius, he resolved to put himself at the head of
a body of supporters, to oppose the consul by force. They say also
that on this occasion his mother, Cornelia, joined in the sedition,
and assisted him by sending privately several strangers into Rome,
under pretence as if they came to be hired there for harvest-men;
for that intimations of this are given in her letters to him. However,
it is confidently affirmed by others that Cornelia did not in the
least approve of these actions.
  When the day came in which Opimius designed to abrogate the laws
of Caius, both parties met very early at the capitol; and the consul
having performed all the rites usual in their sacrifices, one
Quintus Antyllius, an attendant on the consul, carrying out the
entrails of the victim, spoke to Fulvius, and his friends who stood
about him, "Ye factious citizens, make way for honest men." Some
report that, besides this provoking language, he extended his naked
arm towards them, as a piece of scorn and contempt. Upon this he was
presently killed with the strong stiles which are commonly used in
writing, though some say that on this occasion they had been
manufactured for this purpose only. This murder caused a sudden
consternation in the whole assembly, and the heads of each faction had
their different sentiments about it. As for Caius, he was much
grieved, and severely reprimanded his own party, because they had
given their adversaries a reasonable pretence to proceed against them,
which they had so long hoped for. Opimius, immediately seizing the
occasion thus offered, was in great delight, and urged the people to
revenge; but there happening a great shower of rain on a sudden, it
put an end to the business of that day.
  Early the next morning, the consul summoned the senate, and whilst
he advised with the senators in the senate-house, the corpse of
Antyllius was laid upon a bier, and brought through the market-place
there exposed to open view, just before the senate-house, with a great
deal of crying and lamentation. Opimius was not at all ignorant that
this was designed to be done; however, he seemed to be surprised,
and wondered what the meaning of it should be; the senators,
therefore, presently went out to know the occasion of it, and,
standing about the corpse, uttered exclamations against the inhuman
and barbarous act. The people, meantime, could not but feel resentment
and hatred for the senators, remembering how they themselves had not
only assassinated Tiberius Gracchus, as he was executing his office in
the very capitol, but had also thrown his mangled body into the river;
yet now they could honour with their presence and their public
lamentations in the forum the corpse of an ordinary hired attendant
(who, though he might perhaps die wrongfully, was, however, in a great
measure the occasion of it himself), by these means hoping to
undermine him who was the only remaining defender and safeguard of the
people.
  The senators, after some time, withdrew, and presently ordered
that Opimius, the consul, should be invested with extraordinary
power to protect the commonwealth and suppress all tyrants. This being
decreed, he presently commanded the senators to arm themselves, and
the Roman knights to be in readiness very early the next morning,
and every one of them to be attended with two servants well armed
Fulvius, on the other side, made his preparations and collected the
populace. Caius at that time returning from the market-place, made a
stop just before his father's statue, and fixing his eyes for some
time upon it, remained in a deep contemplation; at length he sighed,
shed tears, and departed. This made no small impression upon those who
saw it, and they began to upbraid themselves that they should desert
and betray so worthy a man as Caius. They therefore went directly to
his house, remaining there as a guard about it all night, though in
a different manner from those who were a guard to Fulvius; for they
passed away the night with shouting and drinking, and Fulvius himself,
being the first to get drunk, spoke and acted many things very
unbecoming a man of his age and character. On the other side, the
party which guarded Caius, were quiet and diligent, relieving one
another by turns, and forecasting, as in a public what the issue of
things might be. As soon as daylight appeared, they Fulvius, who had
not yet slept off the effects of his drinking; and armed themselves
with the weapons hung up in his house, that were formerly taken from
the Gauls, whom he conquered in the time of his consulship, they
presently, with threats and loud acclamations, made their way
towards the Aventine Mount.
  Caius could not be persuaded to arm himself, but put on his gown, as
if he had been going to the assembly of the people, only with this
difference, that under it he had then a short dagger by his side. As
he was going out, his wife came running to him at the gate, holding
him with one hand, and with the other a young child of his. She
bespoke him: "Alas, Caius, I do not now part with you to let you
address the people either as a tribune or a lawgiver, nor as if you
were going to some honourable war, when, though you might perhaps have
encountered that fate which all must some time or other submit to, yet
you had left me this mitigation of my sorrow, that my mourning was
respected and honoured. You go now to expose your person to the
murderers of Tiberius, unarmed indeed, and rightly so, choosing rather
to suffer the worst of injuries than do the least yourself. But even
your very death at this time will not be serviceable to the public
good. Faction prevails; power and arms are now the only measures of
justice. Had your brother fallen before Numantia, the enemy would have
given back what then had remained of Tiberius; but such is my hard
fate, that I probably must be an humble suppliant to the floods or the
waves, that they would somewhere restore to me your relics; for
since Tiberius was not spared, what trust can we place either on the
laws, or in the Gods?" Licinia, thus bewailing, Caius, by degrees
getting loose from her embraces, silently withdrew himself, being
accompanied by his friends; she, endeavouring to catch him by the
gown, fell prostrate upon the earth, lying there for some time
speechless. Her servants took her up for dead, and conveyed her to her
brother Crassus.
  Fulvius, when the people were gathered together in a full body, by
the advice of Caius sent his youngest son into the market-place,
with a herald's rod in his hand. He, being a very handsome youth,
and modestly addressing himself, with tears in his eyes and a becoming
bashfulness, offered proposals of agreement to the consul and the
whole senate. The greatest part of the assembly were inclinable to
accept of the proposals; but Opimius said, that it did not become them
to send messengers and capitulate with the senate, but to surrender at
discretion to the laws, like loyal citizens, and endeavour to merit
their pardon by submission. He commanded the youth not to return,
unless they would comply with these conditions. Caius, as it is
reported, was very forward to go and clear himself before the
senate; but none of his friends consenting to it, Fulvius sent his son
a second time to intercede for them, as before. But Opimius, who was
resolved that a battle should ensue, caused the youth to be
apprehended and committed into custody; and then with a company of his
foot-soldiers and some Cretan archers set upon the party under
Fulvius. These archers did such execution, and inflicted so many
wounds, that a rout and flight quickly ensued. Fulvius fled into an
obscure bathing-house; but shortly after being discovered, he and
his eldest son were slain together. Caius was not observed to use
any violence against any one; but extremely disliking all these
outrages, retired to Diana's temple. There he attempted to kill
himself, but was hindered by his faithful friends, Pomponius and
Licinius; they took his sword away from him, and were very urgent that
he would endeavour to make his escape. It is reported that, falling
upon his knee and lifting up his hands, he prayed the goddess that the
Roman people, as a punishment for their ingratitude and treachery,
might always remain in slavery. For as soon as a proclamation was made
of a pardon, the greater part openly deserted him.
  Caius, therefore, endeavoured now to make his escape, but was
pursued so close by his enemies, as far as the wooden bridge, that
from thence he narrowly escaped. There his two trusty friends begged
of him to preserve his own person by flight, whilst they in the
meantime would keep their post, and maintain the passage; neither
could their enemies, until they were both slain, pass the bridge.
Caius had no other companion in his flight but one Philocrates, a
servant of his. As he ran along, everybody encouraged him, and
wished him success, as standers-by may do to those who are engaged
in a race, but nobody either lent him any assistance, or would furnish
him with a horse, though he asked for one; for his enemies had
gained ground, and got very near him. However, he had still time
enough to hide himself in a little grove, consecrated to the Furies.
In that place, his servant Philocrates having first slain him,
presently afterwards killed himself also, and fell dead upon his
master. Though some affirm it for a truth, that they were both taken
alive by their enemies, and that Philocrates embraced his master so
close, that they could not wound Caius until his servant was slain.
  They say that when Caius's head was cut off, and carried away by one
of his murderers, Septimuleius, Opimius's friend, met him, and
forced it from him; because, before the battle began, they had made
proclamation, that whoever should bring the head either of Caius or
Fulvius, should, as a reward, receive its weight in gold.
Septimuleius, therefore, having fixed Caius's head upon the top of his
spear, came and presented it to Opimius. They presently brought the
scales, and it was found to weigh above seventeen pounds. But in
this affair, Septimuleius gave as great signs of his knavery as he had
done before of his cruelty; for having taken out the brains, he had
filled the skull with lead. There were others who brought the head
of Fulvius, too, but, being mean, inconsiderable persons, were
turned away without the promised reward. The bodies of these two
persons, as well as of the rest who were slain, to the number of three
thousand men, were all thrown into the river; their goods were
confiscated, and their widows forbidden to put themselves into
mourning. They dealt even more severely with Licinia, Caius's wife,
and deprived her even of her jointure; and as in addition still to all
their inhumanity, they barbarously murdered Fulvius's youngest son;
his only crime being, not that he took up arms against them, or that
he was present in the battle, but merely that he had come with
articles of agreement; for this he was first imprisoned, then slain.
  But that which angered the common people most was, that at this
time, in memory of his success, Opimius built the Temple of Concord,
as if he gloried and triumphed in the slaughter of so many citizens.
Somebody in the night time, under the inscription of the temple
added this verse:-

        "Folly and Discord Concord's temple built."

  Yet this Opimius, the first who, being consul, presumed to usurp the
power of a dictator, condemning, without any trial, with three
thousand other citizens, Caius Gracchus and Fulvius Flaccus, one of
whom had triumphed and been consul, the other far excelled all his
contemporaries in virtue and honour, afterwards was found incapable of
keeping his hands from thieving: and when he was sent ambassador to
Jugurtha, King of Numidia, he was there corrupted by presents, and
at his return, being shamefully convicted of it, lost all his honours,
and grew old amidst the hatred and the insults of the people; who,
though humble, and affrighted at the time, did not fail before long to
let everybody see what respect and veneration they had for the
memory of the Gracchi. They ordered their statues to be made and set
up in public view; they consecrated the places where they were
slain, and thither brought the first-fruits of everything, according
to the season of the year, to make their offerings. Many came likewise
thither to their devotions, and daily worshipped there, as at the
temple of the gods.
  It is reported that as Cornelia, their mother, bore the loss of
her two sons with a noble and undaunted spirit, so, in reference to
the holy places in which they were slain, she said, their dead
bodies were well worthy of such sepulchres. She removed afterwards,
and dwelt near the place called Misenum, not at all altering her
former way of living. She had many friends, and hospitably received
many strangers at her house; many Greeks and learned men were
continually about her; nor was there any foreign prince but received
gifts from her and presented her again. Those who were conversant with
her, were much interested, when she pleased to entertain them with her
recollections of her father Scipio Africanus, and of his habits and
way of living. But it was most admirable to hear her make mention of
her sons, without any tears or sign of grief, and give the full
account of all their deeds and misfortunes, as if she had been
relating the history of some ancient heroes. This made some imagine,
that age, or the greatness of her afflictions, had made her
senseless and devoid of natural feelings. But they who so thought were
themselves more truly insensible not to see how much a noble nature
and education avail to conquer any affliction; and though fortune
may often be more successful, and may defeat the efforts of virtue
to avert misfortunes, it cannot, when we incur them, prevent our
hearing them reasonably.


                                  THE END
