                          CHAPTER 4
                               
                  UNIFORMITY: FIRST ATTEMPTS
                                
  1. INTRODUCTION
       
       2. THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN BLIND ASSOCIATION
       
       3. THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL
       
       4. DECISIONS
       
       5. SOURCES SHOWING THE EARLY STAGES OF THE
       DEVELOPMENT OF THE LITERARY BRAILLE CODE IN
       BRITAIN
       
       6. ADAPTATION OF THE BRAILLE CODE
       
       7. APPARATUS USED FOR HAND WRITING AND PRINTING
       
       8. THE FIRST INSTITUTIONS FOR THE BLIND IN AMERICA
       
       9. WHICH TYPE FOR THE NEW WORLD?
       
       10.     HOWE TYPE
       
       11.     FURTHER TYPE INVESTIGATIONS
       
       12.     NEW YORK POINT TYPE
       
       13.     COMPARISON OF ENGLISH BRAILLE AND NEW YORK
       POINT SYSTEMS
          Space Saving
          Legibility
          Rapidity of Writing
          Facility of Correction
          Facility of Learning
          Universality
       
       14.     CONCLUSION
       
         1.   INTRODUCTION
  
  Thomas Rhodes Armitage (1824-1890) gave up a flourishing
  practice as a physician at the age of 36 because of increasing
  blindness, and worked for the rest of his life to improve the lot of
  the blind.  He spent the next two years with the Indigent Blind
  Visiting Society, one of the nine charities mentioned by Johnson
  (1860), who were working on behalf of approximately 5,000 blind
  persons in and around London, "all more or less struggling against
  their dire affliction" (ibid., p.3).  As a result of this experience he
  became convinced that occasional provision for immediate needs
  and scripture reading in their own homes was not sufficient for the
  more able.  Many could benefit from training for work and the
  consequent self-respect that comes from playing an active part in
  the community.  Education was needed, and the first step was to
  consider all known codes in order to select the best in terms of
  legibility and cost.
  
  2. THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN BLIND
  ASSOCIATION
  
  In 1868 Armitage inaugurated an association, first known as the
  British and Foreign Blind Association for Improving Embossed
  Literature for the Blind, but by March 1869 (BFBA, executive
  council minutes) the title was changed to include promotion of their
  employment.  Such were the small beginnings of the present Royal
  National Institute for the Blind which is renouned world-wide for its
  help in education, employment, leisure pursuits and care of the
  blind of all ages.
  
    3.   THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL
  
  It was thought that users would be the best able to make code
  decisions, so it was decided (ibid., October, 1868) that a member
  of the general council should be one "who is blind or suffers from
  such a defect of blindness as shall prevent his reading by sight". 
  In addition, members of the executive council shall "have practical
  knowledge of at least three systems of raised characters" and
  "have no pecuniary interest in any system".
  
  The first work was to consider the embossed codes already in
  existence, and to help gain as much knowledge as possible both
  here and abroad, the council employed several tactics. 
  Corresponding members were enrolled who were expected to keep
  in close touch with all methods of reading and writing and the
  apparatus involved.  Twenty-two "intelligent blind" were tested on
  the systems they could read and their views and reasons for their
  opinions were noted down.  This "represented a sort of public
  opinion among those of the blind who had paid attention to the
  subject" (Armitage, 1886, p.39).  Meanwhile council members were
  "constantly perfecting themselves in, and practising every system
  which either had obtained wide currency or appeared to possess
  special merit"  ("First report of the British and Foreign Blind
  Association for promoting the education and employment of the
  blind for 1871", p.2).  Clearly a high standard of efficiency was
  expected.  In addition, five criteria were laid down for selecting a
  system of embossed characters:
  1. the characters should be as clear to the touch as possible;
       2. the size should be as small as is compatible with perfect and
       instantaneous recognition;
       3. correct spelling shall not be interfered with;
       4. if any means exist for shortening the process of reading they
       shall be adopted;
       5. if possible, the written shall also be the printed character
       (Armitage, 1870, p.195).
       
  These criteria have stood the test of time except for No. 4.  There
  needs to be a fine balance between providing sufficient
  contractions to help overcome the slowness of the medium, yet not
  have so many that the learning load becomes too great for the
  majority of readers and the meanings become obscure.  For
  example, the council did not imagine the hundreds of shortforms
  that were to be included in some European versions of the braille
  code such as those of France and Portugal.
  
  4. DECISIONS
  
  The first report of the council (BFBA, 1871, p.3) gives the results of
  the deliberations:
  1. the Roman letter in all its forms was condemned by the
       almost unanimous consent of the educated blind in the
       civilized world;
       2. the line systems of Lucas, Frere, and Moon were regarded
       as useful but imperfect;
       3. "the only system which in the opinion of the Council meets
       the requirements of those who use it, as perfectly as their
       case admits of, is the dotted system of M. Braille".
       
  As there was hardly any braille material in Britain, the Lucas,
  Frere, and Moon systems would continue to be used for a while, at
  least until braille production could be properly established.
  
         5.   SOURCES SHOWING THE EARLY STAGES
       OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE LITERARY
       BRAILLE CODE IN BRITAIN
       
  The hand-written minute book showing the council's deliberations
  is still in existence.  It gives interesting facts about the work carried
  out but hardly any details about decisions taken regarding the
  code.  For example, in July 1870, an entry states that, "a number of
  stereographic contractions of braille were agreed provisionally",
  but there is no mention of what they were, nor does a later entry
  give the decision made concerning them.  In addition to the minute
  book there are the early reports of the council and Dr Armitage's
  books published in 1871 and 1886 respectively.
  
  In 1871 the council published a "Key to the braille and music
  notation" (Thomas, 1957, p.71).  Unfortunately, it has not been
  possible to trace this booklet, but there is an undated primer
  (BFBA) in which the heading on the first page is "Key to reading
  and writing", which might possibly be the literary section of the
  same work.  Inside the cover there are hints for the learner, who is
  encouraged to buy "The Table of Contractions" (price 2d.), but it is
  not surprising that such a small leaflet could be easily lost and
  none seems to have survived.  A pamphlet entitled "Instructions for
  writing the braille system" by Plumtre was published by the BFBA
  for use by transcribers.  The 4th edition, revised and corrected in
  June, 1895, is still extant, and as it was "approved by the late T.R.
  Armitage, Es., M.D.", the first edition must have appeared some
  time before his death in 1890.  The British and Foreign Bible
  Society (BFBS - not to be confused with BFBA) existed to provide
  religious reading material, and in 1879 the organisation started to
  make embossed versions of their books.  To help in getting this
  venture started the BFBA lent some of their plates.  Inside the front
  cover of the "Amos to Malachi" volume of the Bible, published by
  the BFBS in 1880, there is a list of transcription rules; and in 1895
  the BFBA published a "Dictionary of braille contractions with
  notes".
  
  It had been hoped that if a sufficient number of braille books
  published before 1880 could be discovered, an analysis of the
  braille content would reveal further information about the
  development of the code.  However, such examples are extremely
  rare and so this has not been possible.  Few books would have
  been published during the early months of the council's
  deliberations; publication was deliberately stopped for several
  months while the merits of a new code from America were being
  considered (BFBA, second report, 1875); and the sixth report,
  1879, states that the sale of books was down because of capital
  investment in "best apparatus" for printing which was being
  installed.
  
  6. ADAPTATION OF THE BRAILLE CODE
  
  The undated primer seems the closest we can get to the earliest
  version of the adaptation of the French code for use in Britain.  The
  council members considered that as many of the signs as possible
  should have the same meaning, so that translation could be
  simpler and books could be shared between nations.  They
  adopted the same alphabet letters and numbers but the
  punctuation was different from Braille's 1837 version.  Instead of
  the use of dashes together with dots, the signs of the first line were
  used but made in the lower position of the cell.
  
  Since braille is a bulky medium the council decided in favour of the
  inclusion of contractions and a list of criteria (Armitage, 1886, p.10)
  was drawn up for their selection:
  1. not to omit letters except in some words of very common
       occurrence, and where this omission cannot lead to
       incorrect spelling;
       2. to abbreviate by allowing characters to stand for groups of
       letters;
       3. not to let the same sign have two meanings;
       4. to assist the memory by allowing the groups of letters to
       occur in alphabetical order;
       5. not to use contractions except in words or groups of letters
       which occur very frequently;
       6. to allow the initials of common words to represent them.
       
  No. 4 refers to position on the braille chart.
  
  Ideally, the most frequently occurring strings of letters should be
  the ones represented by contractions and it is likely that some sort
  of frequency count was carried out.  We have no details, but
  information is given (BFBA, 1874, pp.13-15) of the materials used
  when a comparison was made between the space saving value of
  the braille and New York codes, and it might have been labour
  saving then to use material already treated.  In 1895 the BFBA
  published a "Dictionary of Braille Contractions".
  
  [The Appendix shows the contractions and rules rearranged into
  "families" so that they may be easily compared with later versions,
  and thus an historical account has been built up.  The method of
  numbering of the dots within a cell has been updated to save
  confusion.]
  
  7. APPARATUS USED FOR HAND WRITING AND
  PRINTING
  
  The council were very particular that handframes and guides
  should be of good quality and easy to use (BFBA, Executive
  Council minutes, October, 1870, and May, 1873) and in January,
  1872, the council minutes show that Armitage demonstrated a new
  method of printing on both sides of the paper using "new shifting
  writing frames".  He persuaded some educated ladies in London to
  undertake transcription of simple books for children.  It is of
  passing interest that the mother of Beatrix Potter used to help in
  this way.  "Years and years ago ... my mother transcribed many
  volumes for a blind Association in London" (Lane, 1978, p.57). 
  She was to see one of her own "Peter Rabbit" books published in
  braille, but it is perhaps not surprising that one who could write and
  illustrate her own books, who had a learned paper on "The
  germination of the spores of agaricinae" (fungi) presented to the
  prestigious Linnaean Society, and who was to become a founder
  member of the National Trust, should have refused her mother's
  invitation to help because she would have found transcription
  unimaginative and not a little tedious.
  
  Stereotyped plates similar to those used for Moon type were used,
  but instead of fusing strips of wire to the surface, it was necessary
  to raise points on the brass plate from the back with the help of a
  punch and hammer.  At first the depressions on the underside of
  the dots were filled with cement so that the dots would not become
  pressed down and a sheet of paper glued to the back.  A cheaper
  method was then found of preparing the plates for printing on both
  sides of the paper.  A sheet of brass was folded on itself and the
  lines on the reverse side punched between the lines of the first
  side.  Paper was interleaved between the two halves of the plate
  before being placed in the press.  In November, 1870, the first
  works to be printed in braille in this country were produced, namely
  some advent hymns and Cowper's poem, "John Gilpin".
  
  One of the resolutions passed at the meeting of the American
  Association of Instructors of the Blind, held in 1871, was to the
  effect "that the New York horizontal point alphabet, as arranged by
  Mr. Wait, should be taught in all institutions for the blind".  Once
  more, the council felt that this must be investigated even though
  they had thought that the braille code was to be their preference. 
  The special apparatus necessary was ordered, and when it was
  available members set about learning and practising its use so that
  a fair choice could be made.  At this point the description of events
  in Britain will be broken off in order to outline the growth of literacy
  in America.  The chapter will then conclude with a comparison of
  the two codes and the choice made by the council.
  
  8. THE FIRST INSTITUTIONS FOR THE BLIND IN
  AMERICA
  
  In 1832, during the time when Louis Braille was perfecting the
  second edition of his code, and the Society of Arts was about to set
  up a competition in an attempt to find the best embossed code in
  Britain, three institutions for the blind opened in America.  They
  were situated at Boston, New York, and Philadelphia.
  
  Julius Reinhold Friedlander had attended the university of Leipzig
  and then taught blind pupils, but he longed for the freedom of the
  New World.  He visited institutions in Europe before travelling to
  Philadelphia, where eventually he became director of the new
  institution ("The centenary Celebrations of the Pennsylvania
  Institution for the Instruction of the Blind, 1933").
  
  Dr Russ had witnessed the desperate conditions resulting from the
  Greek war of independence, and was distressed by the many
  cases of blindness in New York where there was an epidemic of
  eye disease.  He rented rooms for his first six pupils in the country
  house of a leading merchant (van Cleeve, 1933, p.3) and this
  venture was the beginning of the New York institution for the blind.
  
  Dr Howe of Boston had also been to Greece, and, like Byron, had
  fought in the cause of freedom against the Turks (Farrell, 1932,
  pp.8-9).  On his return to Boston, his philanthropic attitude and
  determination were admired, and within weeks he was off to
  Europe on a tour of the institutions for the blind, before taking up
  his new work as director of the new institution.  The "Address of the
  Trustees of the New England Institution for the Education for the
  Blind" (1833), includes descriptions of impressions gained during
  this tour.  Although Howe had no training as a teacher, he quickly
  developed positive opinions.  For example, "As children destined to
  a trade should not devote too much of their time to intellectual
  pursuits, so on the other hand, those educated for a higher
  occupation should not be left unacquainted with some manual
  occupations; they cannot have their mental powers always on the
  stretch" (ibid., p.14).
  
  He regarded the institution at Edinburgh (ibid., p.10) as "on the
  whole, the best I saw in Europe ... it is not as showy as that in Paris
  ... nor has it printed books for their use, still, they receive a most
  excellent education and learn some most useful trades".  Even so,
  he regarded reading from the gospel according to St. John using
  knotted string wound on a revolving spindle as, "the clumsiest and
  most uncouth system ever devised", and to those who considered
  reading unnecessary for the blind he wrote, "there is infinitely more
  pleasure and advantage to be derived from feeling out the letters
  themselves.  They can stop and go back or read over a passage a
  dozen times, reflect upon it as long as they choose and refer to it in
  any occasion" (ibid., p.9).  These words are echoed today
  whenever braille reading is encouraged.  According to Sibley
  (1892, proceedings of the American Association of Instructors of
  the Blind, p.68), Howe "was especially impressed with the work of
  Mr. Gall".
  
  9. WHICH TYPE FOR THE NEW WORLD?
  
  The directors of the three institutions wished to avoid the problems
  caused by the multiplicity of embossed codes used in Europe. 
  "There is reason for believing that there was an understanding to
  the effect that Dr Howe and Mr. Friedlander should inquire into the
  subject and that each having decided upon the style of tangible
  letter which he deemed most suitable, should submit it, with his
  reasons, to the other for criticism" (Wait, 1890, pp.5-6).  If there
  was disagreement the head of the New York school was to have
  the casting vote.  This plan seemed so simple, but matters went
  wrong from the start.
  
  Howe devised his code in 1832-4, and as he was "an ignoramus in
  mechanical matters and was obliged to depend on others for the
  execution of the work" (letter, 29th April, 1854), the new press was
  designed and set up by a very able foreman and printing started
  immediately.  He sent an embossed copy of the Acts of the
  Apostles to Friedlander who had thought only samples of codes
  were required on which to base discussion.  His own type
  consisted of capital letters similar to the work of Alston so the two
  directors went their separate ways, and it seems that Dr Russ, in
  New York, was never consulted.  Already, by 1835, the Howe
  Press had published a "catalogue" mentioning several books in
  Howe type, some of which had been sent to Europe.  The New
  Testament was published in Howe type in 1836 by the American
  Bible Society and the Old Testament appeared in 1843.  "By
  introducing a new alphabet and various improvements in printing
  he ascertained that books might be printed at a quarter of the cost
  of those of Europe" (5th report, 1837, in Lane, 1811, p.22) and two
  years later (ibid., p.56) he published extracts from authors and
  "passages of elevating and cheerful nature".
  
  10.     HOWE TYPE
  
  In the report of the Royal Commission on the Useful Arts (1852,
  Class XVII, p.416), Howe's type was commended above all others.
  The jury commented that, "His aim was to compress the letter into
  a comparatively compact and cheap form.  This he accomplished
  by cutting off all the flourishes and points about the letters, and
  reducing them to the minimum size and elevation which could be
  distinguished by the generality of the blind ... A few of the circular
  letters were modified into angular shapes, yet preserving the
  original form sufficiently to be easily read by all."  There is a
  remarkable resemblance to Gall's early characters, but Howe never
  used the triangular or fretted versions.  Leigh Richmond's
  "Dairyman's Daughter" (1836), in the care of the University of
  Birmingham, shows that the lower case E is embossed in the
  shape of the Greek epsilon   so that as the reading finger meets
  the letter from the left it is not confused with the front curve of the
  letter C.  None of the letters extend below the line, thus saving
  considerable space between lines.
  
  It is difficult for a sighted person to appreciate fully the legibility of
  embossed print except by experiment concerning accuracy and
  comprehension.  In earlier days, rate of reading does not seem to
  have been regarded as important.  The Boston line type, even with
  its simpler shapes, seems rather small; that is, legibility was
  possibly sacrificed for the sake of cost.  However, while at Boston
  in 1993, the writer asked to be introduced to a lady aged 82 who
  was reputed to be an excellent braillist.  Surprisingly, she told the
  writer that she had been taught to read by the Howe method.  Its
  use at Boston, therefore, had continued in spite of three other
  systems being regarded successively as official codes
  (proceedings: AAIB, 1871 and 1892, and American Association of
  Workers for the Blind (AWB), 1913) before braille came in to
  general use in America in 1921.  To questions about legibility she
  replied, "Oh, we preferred the letters; we didn't like it when we were
  made to read those dots!".  Her friends had been of the same
  opinion.  How, therefore, was this to be reconciled up with previous
  views on legibility?  Methods learned first are often preferred and
  perhaps there was an element of disinclination to learn a new code
  instead of continuing to use one that not only was familiar, but
  seemed satisfactory?  However, it does seem that some readers
  have such good co-ordination of touch and cognition that they have
  little difficulty in reading more than one code.  For such, the
  problem might be an occasional difficulty in remembering which
  shapes belong to which code, particularly in punctiform examples,
  and even so, readers may have their preferences for particular
  codes (Helen Keller, public hearing, March, 1909, p.40).
  
  When the writer was visiting Perkins School for the Blind, near
  Boston, Massachusetts, she saw an example of Howe type which
  has an interesting history.  During his stay in America in 1842,
  Charles Dickens visited the school, and was much impressed by
  the training given to the deaf and blind Laura Bridgman.  She
  learned to read Howe type and could produce very neat
  handwriting with no kind of apparatus to keep the lines straight. 
  Dickens gave an account of his observations in "American Notes"
  (1842).  Years later Howe wrote to Dickens (18th February,1868)
  asking for permission to print one of his books for, "they want
  something to gladden their hearts" as a change from religious
  works and the text books used in school.  The writer was shown
  the letter in which Dickens not only agreed for "The Old Curiosity
  Shop" to be treated in this way, but sent $1,700, enough for 250
  books to be "distributed as a gift to the asylums for the blind".  [A
  copy of The Old Curiosity Shop" in three three volumes in Howe
  type is on show at the school.]  This event is also recorded in
  Johnson, 1977 (p.539).
  
  Earlier in 1853, the first convention of the American Instructors of
  the Blind was held, primarily in order to make application to
  Congress for a permanent printing fund for the use of the blind. 
  The resolutions ("The Blind", vol.1, p.5) included a
  recommendation "that the Boston letter, so called, in which the
  great bulk of books for the blind have been printed, be preferred as
  the standard type for all future books published for the blind", and
  that "a committee of three (including Dr Howe) be appointed".  As
  far as is known, no committee was appointed and no other meeting
  took place until 1871.
  
  11.     FURTHER TYPE INVESTIGATIONS
  
  It has not been possible to gain access to the early reports of the
  directors of the New York institution, but Kerney (1952), in
  commemoration of the centenary of the death of Louis Braille,
  wrote a concise but detailed paper entitled, "First tidings of literary
  braille in North America".  It covers two schools in Canada, and
  New York, Pennsylvania and Missouri institution in the USA, with
  only passing references to Boston because of Howe's rigid
  adherence to his line type.
  
  In 1835 (ibid., p.113) the treasurer of the New York institution
  received a report from a former professor of the school for the deaf
  and dumb in New York, who was visiting the Paris school.  He
  recommended a literary code, mentioning Barbier and referring to
  Braille as "one of the blind tutors".  The advice seems to have been
  ignored.  John Adams, one of the managers of the New York
  institution, visited the Paris school several times during 1853-4
  (ibid. p.113) and his report appeared on pp.35-44 of the nineteenth
  annual report of the managers of the New York Institution for the
  Blind, published in 1858 (ibid., pp.113 and 116).  He brought back
  specimens of the braille alphabet and a frame with a guide and
  style, and specially mentioned the "system of raised points (sic)
  invented by M. Braille".  The twentieth annual report, published in
  1856 (ibid., pp.113 and 117) reported on pages 11-30 the use of
  braille at the Institution in 1855 though, it was a "modification" of
  the original "brought into use by an inmate".
  
  An "imperfect" sample of the modified code was described by
  Russ, a director of the Institute in his third "Number" published in
  1862 (ibid., pp.113-114, 118).  The signs were a curious mixture
  including a contraction for ING and "only two letters, A and L, can
  be called identical with those of Louis Braille's original system on
  the limited basis afforded by Russ" (ibid., p.114).  At the ninth
  meeting of the AAIB in 1886 a teacher, named Babcock, described
  how a frame had been found but no-one knew how to use it.  A
  blind teacher had recognised that 63 characters were possible and
  decided for himself which ones should represent alphabet letters. 
  This was the form of braille used by some of the pupils when Wait
  became director in 1863.
  
  Wait (1890, p.10) found that many of the pupils could not read and
  immediately determined to remedy the situation.  He admitted
  (1890, p.10) that he "assumed that the pupils could learn to read
  the books in line letter with uniform facility, according to their
  grade".  He arranged for the entire school to be put into graded
  classes.  New alphabet cards and reading books in the Boston line
  type were procured.  The classes all read at the same time, five
  times a week, and extra time was given to the slower pupils.  From
  week to week the grades were rearranged so that no pupil should
  be out of grade and this practice continued for two years.  The care
  and labour are commendable; unfortunately, Wait had started with
  a faulty hypothesis, namely, that all children, whatever their ability,
  could eventually reach the same standard given the necessary
  time and good teaching with suitable materials.  At the end of two
  years (Wait, 1890, p.10) the results must have been disappointing:
  
                        could read with facility  20%
                        could read moderately well    48%
                        non readers    32%
       
  Wait then collected statistics from six of the largest schools where
  pupils had had no special training.  The percentages on the three
  classes of attainment varied somewhat, which could be expected,
  but the range of children who could not read was between 14%
  and 58% (ibid., p.10).  It is not indicated whether the children were
  specifically tested or whether the figures represented the
  subjective estimates of the teachers.
  
  Wait had set 100 words per minute for oral reading as a target for
  average readers, using a range from easy to difficult compositions,
  but found that only five children reached this limit.  Because of the
  variety of methods of reading used in the institutions, it is obvious
  that the requirements of modern research methodology could not
  be applied; for example, the books were "generally" in Boston type,
  so not even the basic materials were the same for each pupil. 
  Books were still few in number; those used for testing were well
  worn and it is probable that some testees knew the contents by
  heart.  Testing by measuring the number of words read per minute
  was an unfamiliar method, though it is not clear if any of the
  schools used this instruction from Wait.  Two of his conclusions
  (ibid., p.11) are of particular interest for future researchers:
  
  1. The group of non-readers included some of the brightest
  pupils.
  2. The capacity for touch reading was no test of mental ability.
  
  As a result of these findings, he concluded that the Roman letter
  could no longer be regarded as the most effective for educational
  use.
  
  The St. Louis school at Missouri had closed for six months
  sometime between 1860-1861 so "a mystery surrounds the actual
  year when braille became a tool of instruction". Kerney (1952)
  suggests 1859, 1860, or 1861 as possible dates.  There Wait
  found that 65% could read with facility and 35% moderately well. 
  This result seems questionable for in any general representative
  sample there are likely to be some pupils who will never manage to
  read the code.  Meanwhile, Wait had received a translation of
  Braille's "Procd" of 1837 and considered that although the code
  could be written it was wasteful of space.  Even so, his 31st annual
  report noted, "the braille system is an excellent one, and inasmuch
  as there are already too many systems of print in use, which
  difficulty would be magnified by the introduction of another, ... I
  would especially urge upon all persons or institutions ... the
  importance of printing books in the points system of the braille
  code" (Wait, 1890, pp.13-14).
  
  No response came from Philadelphia or Boston.  In 1868 Wait
  published a paper indicating "some of the principles to be followed
  in the construction of a more legible and cheaper system" (Wait,
  1890, p.14).  Later, in a paper read before the World's Congress of
  Educators of the Blind, Chicago, 1893 (p.6), he claimed that "the
  thirty-two per cent, of the pupils in the New York school who had
  failed to read the line letters in common with the others, learned
  the New York system in eleven lessons of one hour each".  He was
  so anxious for a single code that he was even prepared to sacrifice
  his new improved one if the other institutions would accept braille. 
  When this proposal, too, was not accepted, he felt free to publish
  his New York literary code in his report of 1869.  This was the code
  that Armitage and his council felt must be studied and practised
  before their own final choice could be made.
  
  12.     NEW YORK POINT TYPE
  
  Farrell (1956, p.111) wrote "There is still some controversy as to
  whether this system was actually developed by Mr. Wait, for there
  is considerable evidence that Dr Russ, the first principal of the New
  York Institute, had devised it, but certainly Mr. Wait promoted it
  with all his energy".  Armitage (1886, p.13) had correspondence
  with Russ which helps to clarify the matter.  Russ had at first
  considered a phonetic shorthand similar to that of Frere, but
  eventually his characters were "applied by him to ordinary writing,
  and the main question was whether his or the original Braill (sic)
  system possessed on the whole the greatest advantages".  Though
  braille and New York point codes are punctiform, comparisons
  immediately reveal that they differ fundamentally in construction. 
  Whereas braille is based on a matrix of 3 x 2 points, the signs of
  New York point are never more than two points high.  The width is
  variable, taking from 1 to 4 points.  It is therefore clear that the two
  codes are in no way interchangeable, and guides for writing must
  be based on different design.
    
                   Capital Letters
                           
                           
                           
  l l           
    l            l
                           
                                       A
                           
  l l     l           
  l              l
                           
                                       B
                           
  l l                l
    l           
                           
                                       C
                           
  l l     l         l
   l            
                           
                                       D
                           
  l             
   l l          l
                           
                                       E
                           
  l l     l           
         l
                           
                                       F
                           
                           
                           
                  Lower Case Letters
                           
                           
                           
  l l           
          
                           
                                       a
                           
  l l     l           
  l             
                           
                                       b
                           
  l l                 
    l           
                           
                                       c
                           
  l l                 
   l            
                           
                                       d
                           
  l             
          
                           
                                       e
                           
  l l     l           
          
                           
                                       f
                           
                           
                           
                 New York Point type.
                           
                            For braille each letter occupies a separate cell, and each space
  equals one cell plus the width of the bars of the guide on each side
  that separate it from adjoining cells.  As the New York system has a
  variable base a continuous line of points must be possible.  The New
  York guide, therefore, has openings in which a possible four points
  may be made, that is 2 x 2.  The bar between each opening is the
  same width as the distance between the possible horizontal points
  within the cell.  A single horizontal space is left between words, i.e.
  the same as half the width of the cell, or the bar between the last and
  first positions of adjacent cells.  Two or three points width are left
  between words.
  
  Another difference between the codes lies in the characters
  designated for each letter.  Being only two points high more lines
  could be accommodated on a page, thus saving space in one
  dimension.  It was important that this should not be negated by the
  width of the letters.  Wait, therefore, used a new principle for allotting
  signs to letters by giving signs with the fewest points to the letters of
  the highest frequency.  To make this choice he counted their
  occurrence in a varied selection of printed material, resulting in the
  following order:
                  1 point   E T
         2 points  A I N O S
         3 points  C D F L M P R U V W Y
         4 points  B G J K Q
         5 points  H X Z
       
  At first glance G and H seem surprisingly far down the list.  This is
  explained by the fact that there were 10 contractions at that time.  G
  would occur many times in ING and H would be well represented in
  CH, SH, TH, THAT, and THE.  Subjectively, it would seem that B and
  V could have exchanged position.
  
  13.     COMPARISON OF ENGLISH BRAILLE AND NEW
       YORK POINT SYSTEMS
       
  When the BFBA executive council had acquired sufficient knowledge
  and practice in using the new code, Armitage carried out an
  examination of Wait's conclusions and, finding errors, made his own
  calculations.  These, together with the council's opinions on legibility,
  rapidity of writing, facility of correction, facility of learning, and
  universality, were published in 1874 under the title, "The Braille and
  New York systems compared" (Executive Council of the BFBA, July,
  1874).
  
  Space Saving
  It might have been expected by a council of blind persons that
  legibility would have been considered first.  However, space saving
  was regarded of importance because book production was very
  expensive.  Wait's estimate of space saving as against braille
  seemed too high because of incorrect methodology.  "It appeared to
  the Council (ibid., p.3) that the best way of testing the correctness of
  Mr. Wait's calculation would be to write out the same matter on the
  same scale in the two systems and measure the space occupied";
  they included only the 10 corresponding contractions which appeared
  in the New York code, even though the British code had several
  more.
  
  Selections from Gibbon, Macaulay, Judges and Acts of the Apostles
  from the Bible, and Mills' "Subjection of Women" were used (ibid.,
  pp.13-15); from studying these five extracts he found that they gave
  space saving in favour of New York point of 20.6%, 18.8%, 22.0%,
  22.5%, and 20.5% respectively, averaging 20.48%.  This was 12.52%
  less than claimed by Wait, but enough for a close study of the other
  factors involved to be necessary.
  
  Legibility
  The council agreed (ibid., p.6) that a character only two points high
  "comes more fully under the finger, and therefore is pleasanter to
  read than a deep character like the Braille", but New York point was
  criticised for leaving too small a space between the letters.  A space
  of one point was not considered sufficient, and two points gave better
  legibility but more loss of space.  Armitage noticed that the New York
  cell had been slightly increased vertically, causing the lines of type to
  be closer at the expense of easy reading.  He believed that this had
  been done to clarify the difference between the points in the upper
  and lower positions, but this change led to a greater distance
  between points that were diagonal to each other.  It was, therefore,
  not always easy to determine "whether they form part of one letter or
  of two different letters" (ibid., p.7).  These observations by Armitage
  demonstrate how much reading is affected by the different positions
  of the points, the spaces between them, and also line space.  Though
  not commented on in this instance, the size and shape of dots are
  also important.  These aspects were not addressed in detail until
  some 80 years later (see Chapter 8).
  
  Rapidity of Writing
  Not unexpectedly, Armitage found that the new signs, being only two
  points in depth and the fewest points being assigned to the most
  frequently occurring letters, led to a slight advantage in writing of New
  York point over braille.
  
  Facility of Correction
  Correction is a very practical aspect not covered by other early code
  makers.  Because each letter has its own cell in braille it is an easy
  matter to add or delete dots, even though in practice the rubbing out
  of a dot is always noticeable by a touch reader.  As new York letters
  vary in length, some corrections might affect the rest of the line.
  
  Facility of Learning
  Armitage claimed that braille had the advantage because the
  remainder of the signs are derived from the original 10 characters. 
  This advantage is of limited value because a capable braillist soon
  learns to recognise shapes without reference to other characters, and
  in fact many do not learn in this way.  Reference to characters
  already learned may give confidence to adult readers who have
  already learned to read by the inkprint method.  All New York
  characters have to be learned separately.
  
  Universality
  Several countries on mainland Europe were already using braille, so
  the same letters and numbers could be used, but because of their
  construction, New York point letters were not compatible with braille. 
  The council expressed their regret that Mr. Wait, "while retaining the
  10 letters used in braille to denote numerals, has so changed their
  significance that if both systems are ultimately adopted the greatest
  confusion must arise in the interchange of books where numbers are
  used, as in numbering of pages, numbers placed on maps, &."
  (ibid.,p.11).  It is difficult to understand the reasoning behind Wait's
  choice for his signs, for numbers 7, 8, and 9 have fewer dots yet it
  would seem that they occur less frequently than 1 and 3-6.  1 is one
  of the most frequently occurring numbers yet has been allotted the
  most dots.
  
  Music is not within the scope of this project, but it seems important to
  mention that the braille music code was being used in Europe and
  was beginning to be used in some American institutions even where
  they still used a line type for reading and writing, another advantage
  in favour of the choice of braille for general use.  Wait devised his
  own music code (1890, p.18) but it was clumsy and was never much
  favoured.
  
  14.     CONCLUSION
  
  The BFBA executive council had examined several line systems in
  terms of shape of the configurations and ease of reading, and had
  also taken the trouble to test other users and ask for their opinions. 
  In March, 1870, the minutes show that the merits of New York point
  and braille were being compared and the special frames necessary
  were ordered ready for further trials.  In April, correspondence was
  received from the St. Louis school in Missouri concerning their use of
  braille, so already the council knew that the braille code had reached
  America.  However, there the W was placed after V instead of at the
  end of Braille's fourth line involving a change in the shapes of W, X,
  Y, and Z.  During all this time and for many months more there was
  ongoing discussion about which new contractions should be included
  in the developing English literary code.
  
  The contents of the New York point code together with the opinions
  of Armitage and the BFBA council have been included in some detail
  in this chapter for two main reasons.  First because they demonstrate
  the great care with which the council's work was carried out. 
  Secondly, in 1871 the New York point system was accepted by the
  AAIB for use in schools.  Its use in America for some forty years,
  together with other codes, was to result in much discord and delay so
  some acquaintance with its design was necessary before the events
  in the next chapter are described.
  
  The BFBA council remained firm in their decision to keep to the
  exclusive use of the braille literary code.  It seems ironic that Russ,
  Friedlander, and Howe had intended right from the inauguration of
  their institutions that America should not suffer from a diversity of
  codes as had happened in Britain.  In spite of their praiseworthy
  intentions, by 1871 there were already a lingering use of line types,
  braille somewhat similar to the French version, and New York point
  and, before long, yet another code.  A clash of personalities as much
  as the diversity of the types was to be the cause of dissension.
  
  